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Diagram of the Rise and Fall of American 
Political Parties, from 1789 to 1880, in- 

Presidential and Vice -Presidential Candi- 
dates, from 1789 to 1880, inclusive, "with the 
Electoral and Popular Votes by them received; 

Politics of Congresses, from 1789 to 1880; 

Folder, in front. 

Conspectus of Political History, being His- 
torical Articles explanatory of Governmental 
and Political Events, from 1789 to 1879, in- 
clusive 7 to 32 

Platforms of the Political Parties, from 1789 
to 1880, inclusive - ...33to69 

List of Governors . - ...70, 71 

Political Map of the United States, showing 
the Party which has a majority in each Con- 
gressional District, based on the latest Election 
Returns 72, 73 

Fiscal Chart of the United States, showing 
the Course of the Public Debt, the Federal 
Revenue and its Sources, and the Governmental 
Expenditures and its principal Accounts, from 

ording to the Votes 

Politics of the States, 
for Governors, from 178! 

Relative Strength of the Parties, according 
to the votes for State Officials compiled from 
the latest Election Returns ( 

Politics of tiie State Legislatures, according 
to the latest Electiou Returns. yj 

Map, showing the Acquisition of Territory and 
its Distribution among Political Divisions, 
1776—1874 ....84,85 

The Federal Government, from 1789 to 1880 

Events, from 1789 


Abolition Party of 1830 21 

Resolution (Platform) of 30 

Adams, John, Position of 11 

Rupture of Cal.iuet of 12 

Adams, JolinQuincv, A'iiniiiiitra-ion and Policy of 18 

Persistent Opposition to 18 

Alien Law of 1798 ....11,12 

Amendment to Cnnsi tuition Tlihu'cnUi 28 

Fourteenth 28 

Fifteenth . . 29 

American Party of 1852 24 

Platform of 1856 44 

(National), Platform of 1875 59 

Annexation of Texas. 21, 22, 23 

Anti-Federal Party 9 

Organized 10 

Anti-Masonic Partvof 1827 18 

Resolution of 18311 35 

Anti-Nebraska Party of 1854 25 

Anti-Slavery Society of 1833 - 20 

Army and Navy, Enlargement of, in 1798 11 

Bank (National) of 1791 10 

Of 1816 _ 15 

President Jackson vetoes Act 19 

Barnburner Party of 1843 22 

Bill of Rights 10 

Burrite Schism in Republican Party 13 

Calhoun and Jackson 19 

Cession of Florida 16 

Church and State 13 

Civil Rights Bill 28 

Civil Service Reform under Grant 30 

Under Hayes 81 

Clintonian Party of 1812 14 

Platform of 34 

Colonial Politics 7 

Sell-Government 7 

Direct Taxation 7 

Indirect Taxation 7 

Tariff 7 

Navigation Laws 7 

Compromise Measures of 1850 24 

Conciliation of Southern States 31 

Confederates 29 

Confederation, Articles of 8 

Weakness of 8 

Congress, Continental 8 

Constitution (Federal) formed 9 

Constitutional Union Party of 1860 26 

Platformof 49 

Continental Congress 8 

Currency and Finances in 1861 27 

Declaration of Independence .. 7 

Democratic-Republican Party 10, 12, 13 

Democratic Platform (Locofoco) of 1836. 

Of 1810 

Of 1844 

Of 1848 

Of 1870 02 

Of 1880 69 

Drcd Scott Decision _ 26 

Election Laws, Enforcement of. 
Election of 1792 

Of 1790 

Of 1800 

Of 1804 

Of 1808 

Of 1876 

Emancipation Proclamations of 1802 and 1 
of 1807 

England, Treaty with, in 1795 11 

English Bill 26 

Era of Good Feeling... 10 

Federal Constitution formed 9 

Federal Government, Article on Folder, in back. 

Federal Party 9 

In power 9 

Hartford Convention of 1814 

Convention Resolutions 

Death of 

Fifteenth Constitutional Amendment . 

Finances and Currency in 1861 

Financial Panic of 1837 

Financial Policy of 1790 10 

Of Grant's Administration 30 Whig Party 24 

Fiscal Bank of tho United Slates 22 

Florida Cession io 

Foreign Policy of 1798 and 17:i? . 11 

Fourteenth Constitutional Amendment 28 

France, Aggressions of, in 179:1 mid 1797 11 

Treaty of Peace Willi, in 1800 11 

Freedmeu's Bureau 28 

Free-Soil Party of 1848. ... 23 

Platform of 1848 40 

of 1852 ;;;". 43 

French Revolution of 1789 11 

Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 10 

Georgia opposes Federal Government 18 

Good Feeling, Era of 10 

Government, Colon ial Local 7 

Federal, Article on Folder, in back. 

Grangers 80 

Hamilton and Jefferson 10 

Harrison, Death of President 22 

Hartford (Federal) Convention 15 

Resolutions adopted by 34 

Hunker Party of 1843 22 

Independence, Declaration of 7 

Independent Hepnl.lic an I'urtj of 1880 32 

Indiana, Slaves desired for 13 

Internal Improvements Act vetoed tiy Madison... 16 

Passed under Monroe 16 

Passed under Jackson 19 

Vetoed by Polk 23 

Internal Revenue Law uiaier Washington 10 

Of 1801 28 

Jackson, Administration of 19 

Removals under 19 

And Calhoun 19 

Jefferson and Hamilton 10 

Jefferson, Administration of 12 

John Brown's Raid 20 

Johnson, Andrew, becomes Seventeenth President 28 

Reconstruction Policy of 28 

Impeachment of 29 

Kansas-Nebraska Bill 25 

Kansas War 25 

Legislation for 25 

Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 12 

Extract from 33 

Extract from those of 1799 83 

Know-Notliiiig (American) Parly of 1852 24 

Ku-Klux Act, Enforcement of 29 


Labor Reform Parly of 1872 

Plairorm of 

Land Proceeds 

Leeomplon Constitution 

Liberal Republican Party of 1872 

Platlortu of 

Liberty Party of 1840 

Platform of 184.') 

Liberty League of 1845 

Local Selt'(.'..v. r.ini.-nt nl Mir I'l.lotii.-* . 

Locofoeo Parly of 18:15 

Louisiana, Purchase of 

Madison, Administration and Policy of 

Diplomacy of 

Mexican War.—' '. 

Militia colled .mi in I7:n. to quail " Whisky 

Missouri Qaestion.'.'.'".'."".'.'.".'.*.".".'.'.'.'.'.'."! 

Monroe. Adiniiiislriilinn of 


Retirement of 

National Bonk of 1791 

Attempt to reelianer in 1811 

or i8io 

Jackson vetoes Mill 

N il 1). I>i .ii .I..-.- ..I It.-... I., i- ......... \\ ■ 

National (Gr.-ctili.ickl Pant "I 1N73 

Platform of 1870 

Of 1878 

Of 1880 

National Liberal Pally of I.S7I1. Plalforni of 

N„li..n„l Hep can Parly of 1828 

Native American Party of 1848 

Naturalization Law of 17118 

N.o ,-',''l.:.n~. I ■'..!. ...... I 

Negro Exodus 


Neulralilv Prnclaiiiali I 171.3 

Nominations in 1848 

Nullilieaiion Party organized by Calhoun... 
Nullilieation Proceedings in South Carolina. 

til ..I ni-i Branch ol Whig Parly of 1775. 


Ami -Ncliraslui. of 1854 

Barnburners, of 1843 

Clintnnian, of 1812 . 

Constitutional Union, of IbtiO 

Party, Democratic, Jeflcrsoninn JO 

Or 1828 18 

Federal » 

Krec-Soil, of 1848 23 

Hunker.or 1848 22 

independent Republican, ol 1880 32 

Labor lt.-1'..rm, of If 72 fj 

Liberal Republican, of 1872 80 

Liberty, of 1840 21 

Liberty League, of 1845 23 

Loroloco, ol 1835 20 

National (Ore, ick), of 1873 30 

National Republican, of 1828 18 

Native American, ol' 1843 22 

Nullilieaiion 10 

Pence, of 1812 15 

People's, or 1823 " 

Republican, ol 1701 10 

Of 1854 25 

Silver.Gray. or 1851) 24 

Straight Outs, of 1872 30 

Strong Government Men 8 

Temperance, ol 1872 80 

Tory, or 1775 8 

Whig, or 1775 7 

Of 1834 20 

Peace Parly of 1812 15 

People's Party of 1823 17 

Pet it inn, Right or 20, 21 

Presidential Canvass ol' 1848 23 

Pierce, Political Faith or 2o 

Polk, Inaugural Address or 23 

President's (Johnson'*) Power limited 20 

Protective Tariff Act 16 

Protective Tariff Discussion in Monroe's second 

Purchase ol Louisiana 13 

Radical Party ol' 1864, Platform or 51 

Reconstruction Pr..|...-it:..t.s "I I8ii:>' and 1804 28 

Reconstruction Policy ..I president Johnson 28 

Reconstruction mid. -i Pr.-id.-iu (Irani 29 

Refunding Government Bonds 31 

Republican Party of 1791 10 

Platform of 1800 33 

Principles of 12,14 

Divided 18 

"National." of 1828 18 

Platform or 1832 35 

Or 1850 47 

Of 1800 49 

Or 1804 51 

Or 1808 j 53 

Or 1872 67 

Of 1870 60 

Of 1880 65 

"Liberal."..!' 1872 30 

Platform of 56 

" Independent," of 1880 32 

Platform or _ 05 

Revenue, Internal, under Washington 10 

Revolution, War o( 7 

Rights, Bill or 10 

Right of Petition 20,21 

San Domingo Naval Stution 29 

Secession of the South planned 13 

Of the Guir States 27 

Sedition Law or 1708 11,12 

Silver-Gray Parly of 1850 24 

Slavery— Fugitive Law of 1793. 

Slaves desired for Indiana 

South Carolina nullifies 

Southern Troubles under Grant. 
South, State Governments in 

Resumption of. 

Stamp Act, under John Adams 

Stanton removed by Johnson. 

Slate Banks 

Slate Govcn -nls in I lie South 

Sovereignty. Anli-Fcd. rid Vi. w 


Straight-Out Dc: 

Platform of. . 

8trong Governmt 

Sub-Treasury . . . 

vi). 21. 22.23 

Ol 1846 

Or 1861 

Taxation, Colonial. Direct 

Colonial, Indirect 

Taylor, Administration and Policy ..I . 

Ten it.. rial Legislation 

Texas, Independence aeknou-'.c.igc.i . 
Annexation of 

Thirteenth Constitutional 
Topekn Constitution 

'■To lb.- Victors in lone. Hi e .-poll. 

Treaty with England, 1795 

Tyler, Iuaugural Address of 

Rupture with tho Whigs 

Van Bureu. Administration and 1 
; from Resolutions . 

War, Revolutionary 

Of 1812 

With Mexico 

With the Southern Slates. 

Retirement c 
Weakness ol the Confederation.. 

Websterllsyne Debate 

Whig Party of 1775 

"Particularist" Branch of.. 

Of 1834 

Platform of 1836 

In power, 1840 

Platform of 1844 

Of 1848 

Of 1852 

Of 1856 

Dissolution of 

Whisky Insurrection of 1794. .. 


There is no intelligent man in the country who has not frequently felt himself at a loss for particulars of political infor- 
mation which no single memory could supply, and which could bo collected only by assiduous and protracted search through 
old files of newspapers, political documents, or congressional records. Even a correct general knowledge of political history 
needs a constant supplement of details of dates, succession of policies, condition of parties, cabinets, judges, conventions, 
platforms, popular and electoral votes, partisan aspects of Congress, revenues and expenses, and the like ; and there is no 
repertory of such information extant. To say that it is " a long felt want" is to give a very generally misused phrase a very 
exact application. A single conspicuous illustration will enforce a universal individual experience. The late Vice-Presi- 
dent Henry Wilson was a more than usually well informed politician, and what he could not readily find in his memory it 
would be idle to look for in another ; but even lie, in his "Histoiy of Slavery," says that the ratification of the amendment 
of the national constitution abolishing slavery was proclaimed by President Lincoln, in December, 1865, when he had been 
in his grave more than half a year. Exactness of knowledge is an indispensable element of argument, and the politician and 
party orator, of whatever note or ability, must either prepare for a campaign by long and careful study of history through 
which the facts he needs are loosely diffused, or find his power cramped by inadequate or inaccurate knowledge. To him, 
and to all men intelligent enough to take a rational interest in the welfare of the country, a complete and thoroughly system- 
atized scheme of political and party history must, without any exaggeration, "fill a long felt want." 

The work here presented, " An Historical Conspectus of the Political Parties and the Federal Government," by Prof. 
Houghton, is the first attempt ever made in this country to construct such a repertory of political information as will furnish 
at a glance any important act of national administration or party changes, opinions or conduct, from the first election of 
Washington to the last national convention. It is confidently believed that it is as complete, exact, and perfectly methodized 
as such a work can be made within the compass that will enable the cost to come within the reach of all classes of citizens. 
Though not encyclopaedic in form, it is in fact, and really presents its information in a more accessible shape than any other 
that could be devised. 

The charts present the general course and leading events of governmental and party history in one view, much as the map 
of a river presents its general direction and its various windings, its tributaries, towns, islands and rapids at one view. In one, 
the different parties are designated by different colors, and their ascendency or depression by the position of the colored bands 
above or below a central line, and the duration of each condition by the length of the colored curves, while at exactly the 
proper distances to fit the lapse of time, are arranged the events, policies, and prominent issues in their order. In the other, 
the dates, duration of administration, cabinet officers, judges, etc., are presented by a different but equally ingenious 
arrangement. The two are the political history of the country put under the eye in a well ordered and complete array. 

Combined with the charts, and supplementing their general record, are carefully arranged collections of all details that 
can be summarized, with all the platforms of all parties in full, time, place and date, from the earliest to the last ; tables of 
revenues and expenses, of sources of revenue and purposes of expenditures, and of the increase and decrease of the public 
debt every year from 1791 ; condensed sketches of the leading events and acts of every administration ; the houses of Con- 
gress in their party aspects, their sessions, officers, and strength of parties. 

The ingenious arrangement of the work will commend itself equally by its simplicity, completeness, and comprehensive- 
ness. Everything needed is there, and everything in its exact place, both in relation to time, party organization, and admin- 
istrative history. Whenever any fact is wanted, and either its date or party connection is known, it can be instantly found, 
and when found it will be seen in connection with everything relating to it. If it be desired to ascertain what were the prin- 
cipal features of any administration, they will all be discovered concisely and clearly stated in their proper place in the 
general arrangement. If any prominent political event be known, but it is desired to locate its time or the administration at 
that time, a minute's survey of the synoptical sketches of each administration will show it, with the events that preceded and 


followed it. If a politician wants to know whether an opposing party has changed ground, he will find every authorized 
declaration of opinions and politics ready at hand. If he desires to know the status of parties in Congress at any given time 
he can find it as easily as a word in a dictionary. In short, not to multiply illustrations, the work will be found to be a 
perfect "hand-book" of political history, as handy as a cyclopaedia, and as complete within its province. 

In the production of this work, we may say, in conclusion, Professor Houghton has tried, with striking success, to con- 
dense all the facts of the political history of the country, and we are confident has accomplished a work of reference, the 
general diffusion of which will greatly improve the popular knowledge of an indispensable portion of general history. An 
intelligent and close examination will find it exhaustive in detail, concise and perspicuous in statement, crowded but never 
confused with facts, and so admirably methodized that its references can be found with as much facility as the contents of a 

Professor Houghton has visited different cities, to explore great libraries for the proper records to substantiate certain 
facts and events, to remove doubts, and to clear up apocryphal or erroneous statements made by less careful authors ; in 
fact, he has dug right down to the bottom facts, in order to make it an encyclopaedical work of incontestable authenticity, and 
neither time nor toil has been permitted to interpose to prevent this consummation. Every subject of this work has received 
his undivided attention, closest scrutiny, and discriminating thought. He has assumed nothing, and taken nothing for 
granted; and his scrupulous accuracy in the compilation of this "Historical Conspectus of the Political Parties and the 
Federal Government" will make it an "authority amongst authorities," and it will be accepted as such by the American 
Scholar, Statistician, and Statesman. 

Indianapolis, Indiana. Publishers. 


The design of this work is to present the outlines of Amer- 
ican political and governmental history, from Colonial days 
to the present time. For this purpose, two folding charts, a 
series of political and fiscal maps and plates, historical articles 
and tables, and party platforms are employed. 

In the front and at the back of the "Conspectus" will be 
found the two following charts spoken of. The one in front we 
will call 


In this chart, the outline history of the parties is shown by 
colored streams, represented as flowing from the left to the right. 
The name of a political organization appears upon the color 
which designates the party. When the history of a party be- 
gins, the color begins ; when its history closes, the color disap- 
pears. After each name the word party is understood. The 
dates at the extremities of a color mark the beginning and the 
close of the history of a party ; for instance, the old Whig party 
began in 1776, and closed in 1787. That out of which a party 
was organized and that into which it merged are readily seen 
by inspection. Take, for example, the Tory party, which sprang 
from colonial sentiment, and, in 1783, merged into the Whig 
party. The origin of the Federal and Anti-Federal parties is 
prominently shown. The words proceeding from the stream for 
a party represent the issues of that party. The issue is located 
at the date when the party began advocating it ; for instance, 
the Constitution in 1787 was advocated by the Federal party. 
In 1791, the Anti-Federal party was called the Democratic-Re- 
publican party. When a party is in power, it appears above 
the streams for the other parties. The Federal party was in 
power from the beginning of Washington's administration till 
the beginning of Jefferson's. In 1801, the Democratic-Repub- 
lican party obtained control of the government. In Monroe's 
administration, the Federal party, having been overborne and 
conquered in several Presidential campaigns, ceased to maintain 
itself as a separate political organization, and melted away, the 
major portion of its membership going into the Democratic- 
Republican party; then occurred the "Era of Good Feeling." 

The mysterious disappearance of William Morgan, a New 
York state freemason, in September, 1826, and the excitement 
arising therefrom, resulted, in 1827, in the formation of a polit- 
ical organization, known in history as the Anti-Masonic party. 

In 1828, the supporters of John Quincy Adams separated 
themselves from the Democratic-Republican party, and styled 
themselves the National Republican party. The supporters of 
Andrew Jackson, the same year, dropped the latter part of 
their former party-title, and became then and afterwards known 
as the Democratic party. 

In 1831, a schism occurred in the Democratic party, under 
the leadership of John C. Calhoun, the representative and 
champion of "states-rights" sentiment, which had its origin in 
South Carolina ; this faction received the name of the Nullifica- 
tion party. 

The opponents of President Jackson and his administration 
combined, in the year 1834, as a political organization, to which 
was given the name of the AVhig party ; the National Repub- 

lican party was, naturally, the main constituent of this new 
organization, but it received large accessions from the Anti- 
Masonic and Nullification parties, and many adherents from the 
Democratic party itself. 

In 1833, the National Anti-Slavery Society was formed ; in 
1839, a portion of the membership of that Bociety gave that 
organization a political form, and became distinguished as the 
"Garrisonians" or Abolition party. The following year (1840), 
a constitutional anti-slavery party, styled the Liberty party, 
was formed, into which most of the Abolitionists entered. With 
change of name, by an offshoot called the Liberty League, in 
1845, and joined by the Free-Soil Democrats of New York, 
styled "Barnburners," these several anti-slavery parties, in 
1848, were called the Free-Soil party. 

In 1848, also, the New York division of the Democratic party, 
which had borne the name of "Hunkers" from 1843, dropped 
that distinguishing title, and became as one with the old asso- 

The Native American party was organized in 1843, and the 
Silver Grays in 1850. 

In 1854, a combination of Anti-Nebraska Democrats,Whigs, 
Americans, and Free-Soilers opposed Pierce's administration, 
under the designation of "Anti-Nebraska" or the "Fusion" 
ticket. At this time the Republican party was organized in 
some of the states ; it became a National party in 1856. The 
same year, a part of the Americans, calling themselves North 
Americans, joined the Republican party. This party gained 
the ascendency in 1860, and the following year was joined by a 
portion of the Constitutional Unionists, who had formed a party 
the preceding year out of the disbanded American party. 

The Democratic party was in power from 1853 till the in- 
auguration of Lincoln. This party was dismembered in 1860. 
The Breckinridge wing, of the south, entered the Confederacy ; 
the Douglas wing supported the Union; a portion from each 
section joined the Republican party. 

The Liberal Republicans, in 1872, united with the Democracy, 
and nominated Horace Greeley. This ticket was not satisfactory 
to a number of Democrats. These, calling themselves ' ' Straight- 
Outs," met at Louisville, Kentucky, and nominated O' Conor. 

The Temperance party, organized in 1872, was called the Pro- 
hibition party in 1876. 

The Labor party, originating in trade-unions, was formed in 

Out of the Granger organization grew, in part, the National 
(Greenback) party. 

The Tammany Democrats, and Independent Republicans, or 
"Scratchers," of New York, are represented ; and below is seen 
the National Liberal party, organized at Cincinnati, in Septem- 
ber, 1879, under the lead of Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll. 

Every issue that a party has advocated is presented promi- 
nently to the eye. The issues of a platform appear in groups. 
Take, for instance, the platform of the Free-Soil party in 1848, 
and note the leading thoughts therein. An issue is attached to 
a party only once. 

Along the upper edge of the "Political Diagram" will be 
found the names of the Presidents from time to time at the head 
of the Federal government. Vertical lines, springing from year 


figures, divide the party history given in the Diagram into 
Administration epochs. 

Arranged between the Administration-epoch lines, along the 
lower edge. of this folding chart, will be found the names of the 
Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates, with the number 
of electoral and popular votes by them severally received ; 
also, the political complexions of the two Houses of Congress. 

At the back of this work, as has been stated, will be found 
an outline history of the 


At the left is an analysis, giving its divisions and subdivisions. 
To the right of this is a classification of the administrations from 
the time of Washington to the present. The colors show the 
politics of each administration. But five parties have had con- 
trol of the Federal government — the Federal, the Democratic- 
Republioan, the Democratic, the Whig, and the modern Repub- 
lican. The dates at the top show the beginning and close of the 
administrations. From these dates, vertical lines extend through 
the chart. The history of an administration is located between 
two lines. At the top of the space, included between two of 
these lines, is seen the name of a President, below which are 
Federal officers, consisting of his Cabinet, Judges of the Su- 
preme Court, the Vice-President, and the Speaker of the House. 
The posit ion which each officer occupied is shown by the analysis 
on the left. The time each official was in office is shown by the 
dates; for instance, John Marshall was Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court from 1801 to 1835. Below the list of govern- 
ment officials are given all the important congressional events 
that occurred during each administration. 

Commencing with page 7 and ending with page 32 is a 


Here is shown, in concise and comprehensive paragraphs, 
arranged under Administration-headings, the history and status 
of each political party then in existence, with an explanation 
and discussion of concurrent party issues ; the causes which led 
to their adoption ; why new parties were formed or old ones re- 
vived, and why dissolved ; the measures they supported and the 
political principles they espoused— thus furnishing a connected 
history of American political parties, from their rise to the 
present day. 

The next subject-division is headed 


This contains the resolutions and platforms of the polit- 
ical associations which have sprung up and flourished in this 
country, either in weakness or in strength, beginning with ex- 
tracts from the celebrated and historical Kentucky and Virginia 

resolutions of 1798, and ending with the party platforms of 
1880. No other publication contains, in its entirety, this im- 
portant political historical feature. 
Next follow a series of 


Which contain a large amount of complementary information. 

First, is a Political Map of the United Slates. If a District 
lias a Republican representative in Congress, it is colored Red ; 
if the representative is Democratic, the District is colored 

The next plate is'a Fiscal Chart, showing the relative amount 
of the revenue, debt, and expenditures of the Federal gov- 
ernment. The explanations below show what each color indi- 
cates. Bordering the diagram for Revenue are figures, giving 
for each year the amount of the revenue. This amount is rep- 
resented to the eye by colors. Take, for example, the revenue 
for 1815. The revenue for that year was fifteen million seven 
hundred thousand dollars. Of this amount as much was from 
customs as the length of the yellow on the space for the year is 
to the full length of the space across the column. In like man- 
ner, the Expenditures are indicated to the eye. The central 
column shows most vividly the difference between the amount 
of the debt in the time of Jackson, and chat which the gov- 
ernment sustained at the close of the civil war. 

The next plate gives the Politics of the States according to 
the politics of the Governors. This is made clear by the ex- 
planation attached below. 

In like manner, another plate gives the Politics of the Stales 
according to their votes for President. 

' The other plates are interesting as matters of reference, 
et cetera. 

The last map of this series shows the 

Bordering the Fiscal Chart will be found the full text of the 


An extract from which is given on page 33. And on the sides 
of the next following plate is printed the full text of the 


The closing printed matter of this work is a 


Arranged under state headings, giving the names of the guber- 
natorial incumbents, and the dates of their office holding. 



COLONIAL POLITICS.— The colonists were not divided 
among themselves by political parties ; but they advocated sen- 
timents adverse to those of the British crown, in regard to gov- 
ernment, trade, and taxation. 

LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT, the colonies maintained, was 
secured to them by their charters, which were regarded in the 
light of civil compacts, not to be changed without the consent 
of the parties thereto. By virtue of these instruments, and the 
rights of Englishmen, guaranteed by the magna charta, the 
colonies also " claimed the exclusive supervision over all inter- 
nal interests, and the sole right to levy and collect taxes." 
They consented that Parliament had the reserved right to regu- 
late commerce, but not to adjust the internal trade of the 

INDIRECT TAXATION upon the colonies was attempted as 
soon as they were favored with prosperity. This was regarded 
unjust, and protests against the aggressions of Parliament were 
made by several legislatures. Plymouth protested in 1636, and 
for the next thirty years other colonies followed the example. 

NAVIGATION LAWS, enacted from time to time, annoyed 
the colonies after the year 1651. They were odious, among 

other reasons, because they generally required colonial exports 
and imports to be carried in English ships, and forced the colo- 
nies to trade with England and pay high duty on their 

INTER-COLONIAL DUTIES, in 1672, upon various articles 
of trade, were imposed by the parent country for the first time. 
Manufacturing establishments soon sprang up to counteract this 
illiberal policy, but these were interdicted and crippled by Brit- 
ish authority, and followed by other oppressive measures. 

DIRECT TAXATION on the colonies was attempted in 1765, 
by means of the Stamp Act. It provided that all legal docu- 
ments should be executed upon paper bearing a stamp for 
which the English government charged a specific price. This 
was resented by the colonies with indignation, protests, and 
alarm, and was followed by a series of aggressions upon the 
local self-government of the colonists, who, when civil measures 
had been exhausted in behalf of their cause, resorted to arms. 

THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION began in 1775, and was 
waged one year against the mother country for a redress of 
grievances; but being unable to obtain this, the colonies 
declared themselves free and independent. 


ORIGIN OF PARTIES.— When the Revolutionary war be- 
gan (1775), the questions at issue between the British ministry 
and the colonists gave rise, among the latter, to the Whig and 
the Tory party. These were the names of the two great political 
parties in England, but they lost in America the significance 
which they had in the parent country. The line of difference 
between the parties, for the first fifteen months of hostilities, was 
drawn by the terms on which the connection of the colonies with 
England should continue. "The Whigs wished to remain colo- 
nists on condition that their rights would be guaranteed to them;" 
the Tories were willing to thus remain without such guarantee. 
After the 

advocated absolute separation from Great Britain, while the To- 
ries supported the cause of the Crown. The declaration was 

moved in Congress, June 7th, by Richard Henry Lee, of Vir- 
ginia, in these words: "Resolved, That these United Colonies 
are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that 
they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and 
that all political connection between them and the state of Great 
Britainis, and ought to be, totally dissolved." A formal decla- 
ration was then prepared, and adopted on the 4th of July. 

THE WHIG PARTY was composed of those Americans who 
favored the principles for which the Revolutionary war was 
fought, and drew into its ranks nearly all the clergy, except 
those of the Episcopal faith ; the major part of the lawyers ; a 
large proportion of the physicians ; and many " young men who 
had their fortunes to make and distinctions to win." " Sons of 
Liberty" and "Liberty Men" were Whigs. Those of this party 
who took an active part in the struggle for independence were 


called Patriots. A majority of the colonists were Whigs. It is 
estimated that in some states they were probably in the minor- 
ity, and in others they about equaled their opponents. When 
hostilities opened, this party began to assume control of colonial 
affairs, both civil and military, and throughout the war it 
directed the government of the states and of the nation. The 
Whigs fought for a cause as righteous as any that ever arrayed 
men in battle, and in so doing they broke the yoke of colonial 
vassalage and gained for the world much of that which they 
gained for themselves. 

CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.— During the first six years of 
the war, the central authority of the country was the Conti- 
nental Congress, composed of delegates from the states, who 
acted under assumed powers. The requirements of Congress 
were not binding upon the states unless they so willed ; but 
unity of action was secured by patriotism and a common danger, 
and the "power exercised by Congress was acquiesced in by the 
people." To establish a settled form of government and a per- 
manent union, the United States, in 1781, adopted the 

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION, by which, thirteen in 
number, the powers of Congress were defined. ' ' This body was 
granted control over questions of war and peace ; but its powers 
and duties were chiefly advisory and dependent for their exe- 
cution upon the co-operation of the states." The articles did 
not provide for an executive or a judicial department. By this 
defective system, Congress was left powerless in civil affairs, and 
the highest authority was vested in the states. 

THE TORY PARTY was composed of the colonists who 
adhered to the Crown during the war. It was joined by nearly 

all royal officials, some eminent lawyers, dependents of royal 
landholders, numerous physicians, some who were at first con- 
servative, or neutral, and those who, not otherwise influenced, 
dreading the strength of England, believed that a "successful 
resistance to her power was impossible." The Tories, or 
Royalists, composed a considerable portion of the force em- 
ployed to put down the "rebellion." The number of them who 
enlisted in the military service of the Crown was probably more 
than twenty-five thousand. Various measures were taken by 
the Whig populace to awe and punish the Tories. Different 
ones at different times, as circumstances seemed to suggest, were 
"tarred and feathered," mobbed, smoked, waylaid, insulted, 
deposed from office, and driven from home. Against them the 
legislatures of the states, according to the offense committed, 
passed laws inflicting such penalties as death, exile, confiscation 
of estate, loss of personal liberty for a limited period, disquali- 
fication from office, imprisonment, and transportation to a 
British possession. At the peace of 1783, these laws were in 
force, and no provision was made for the Royalists ; they were 
banished by those they had opposed, and neglected by those 
they had aided. When the British troops were withdrawn from 
our shores, the Tories abandoned the United States and became 
the founders of New Brunswick and Upper Canada. The exiles 
appealed to Parliament for relief, and received, after several 
years of delay, fifteen and a half millions of dollars. Besides 
this, many of theni obtained "annuities, half pay as military 
officers, large grants of land, and shared with other subjects in 
the patronage of the Crown." The Royalists, whose injury to 
the cause of liberty had not been great, were permitted to re- 
main at home. The issue on which their party was based, died 
with the Revolution, and in 1783 the Tory party ceased to 


PARTICULARISTS — The Whigs of the Revolution were 
composed of two classes of men holding opposite views on 
national government. One class held to the idea that state gov- 
ernment should be supreme; they were unwilling that a central 
authority should have power to coerce a state. They feared 
that such a government would deprive the states of their free- 
dom, and would establish over them a sovereignty as objection- 
able as the one from which they were struggling to free them- 
selves. They believed in a central government, republican in 
form and democratic in spirit, provided its powers were limited; 
but they were jealous of delegated authority, and looked with 
suspicious eye at every effort tending towards centralization of 
government. They were forced to these conclusions by their 
own experience and that of their forefathers, on " whose hearts 
the fires of persecution had burned a hatred of royalty too deep 
to be erased." These partisans are designated "Particularists." 

STRONG GOYERNMENT MEN.— The other class was com- 
posed of men who regarded local self-government as inadequate 
to meet the exigencies of the public service. They believed that 
a government modeled after that of England should be estab- 
lished over the United States, and that the governments of the 
states, if they could not be destroyed, should be reduced in im- 

portance. These are called "Strong Government" men. The 
important matters of the war prevented these conflicting views 
from appearing as disturbers of the public mind; but after the 
recognition of our independence they were freely discussed, and 
"were soon developed in the formation of political parties." 

by the Strong Government men, and they determined upon a 
change of central authority. The condition of the country was 
an aid to them. National affairs were in a bad condition at the 
close of the war, and, under inefficient government, grew worse, 
till the country bordered on a state of anarchy. The states 
looked upon Congress as a creation of the war, and as something 
not necessary in time of peace. They first ignored its requisi- 
tions, then scoffed at its weakness, and finally boasted of their 
neglect of duty. Their want of unanimity prevented the regu- 
lation of foreign trade. Distant nations, owing to the weakness 
of Congress, were unwilling to bind themselves by commercial 
treaties with our country. The legislatures of states having 
ports for foreign commerce, taxed the people of other States 
trading through them; others taxed imports from sister states; 
in other instances the navigation laws treated the people of 
other states as aliens. The government was without power to 


raise money for the payment of its debts, unless the states willed 
to comply with its regulations. The United States were neither 
obeyed at home nor respected abroad. The disregard of law, 
which, for several years, had been manifested by the legislatures, 
appeared among the people, and in Massachusetts resulted in 
Shay' s Rebellion. It became apparent that the country was on 
the verge of civil war. The advocates of a strong government 
charged all these calamities to the Confederation, and declared 
that upon the success of their issues depended the perpetuity of 
the Union. 

CONSTITUTION FORMED.— The constant aim of the Strong 
Government men was to reform the Articles of Confederation. 
The first definite act in this direction was in 1786, when the As- 
sembly of Virginia " appointed commissioners to meet in con- 
vention to consider the question of commerce, with the view of 
altering the Articles of Confederation." The commissioners 
were required to invite all the states to take part in the measure. 
The convention met at Annapolis, September 11th, 1786; but 
only five states being represented, a report was drawn up, urg- 

ing the appointment < 

nui-sionors from all the states "to 

meet at Philadelphia on the second day of May next, to devise 
such other provisions as shall, to them, seem necessary to render 
the condition of the Federal government adequate to the exigen- 
cies of the Union ; and to report such an act for that purpose to 
the United States in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to by 
them, and afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every 
state, will effectually provide for the same." When this report 
was made, the Strong Government leaders made vigorous efforts 
to secure a full representation, and the selection of delegates 
whose names would give importance to the convention. Con- 
gress, in order to sanction the report, recommended the legisla- 
tures to appoint delegates to meet in convention at Philadelphia, 
"for the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of 
Confederation, and report to Congress and the state legisla- 
tures." The convention met at the appointed time, and contin- 
ued its labors until September 17th. Instead of revising the 
Articles of Confederation, it formed a constitution and sent it to 
Congress to be submitted to that body and through the local 
legislatures to the people, the instrument providing that, if rat- 
ified by nine of the thirteen states, it should be binding upon 
those ratifying the same. Congress complied with the wish of 
the convention, and the constitution was soon before the people 
for adoption or rejection. 

ANTI-FEDERAL PARTY.— All the efforts at making any 
change in the Articles of Confederation met with persistent op- 
position from the Particularists, who were now called Anti-Fed- 
erals, a designation which they received from their opponents, be- 
cause they opposed a federal government under the constitution. 
This party was in power till the Confederation was superseded by 
the Federal government, and it "represented very fairly the ideas 
and feelings that prevailed with the masses during the Revolu- 
tion." Most prominent among the Anti-Federal leaders were 

Patrick Henry, John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and George 
Clinton. This party distrusted the motives of the opposition, and 
feared that the strong government which the latter wished to 
establish would be disposed to grasp at power and become, event- 
ually, oppressive and tyrannical. Their suspicions in regard to 
this led them to oppose measures which they otherwise would 
have supported. They did not regard the condition of the na- 
tion as deplorable as was represented by their opponents, and 
in behalf of their position they appealed to the peace the coun- 
try was enjoying. They regarded the government of the Con- 
federation sufficient to meet the wants of the Union. Nothing 
but necessity led them to change in opinion. As by degrees the 
Union approached dissolution, certain Anti-Federals would 
accept the views of their opponents. The proceedings of the con- 
stitutional convention were conducted with closed doors ; this 
fact served to increase the suspicion of the Anti -Federals, and 
gave rise to rumors purporting the establishment of a monarchy. 
After the constitution was presented for ratification, the Anti- 
Federalists became "alarmed at the character of the new govern- 
ment to be established ; increased their attachments for the 
governments of the states; excited fears ; refused to examine and 
judge ; and persisted in their opposition to the constitution till 
they were forced to accept it or dissolve the Union." The Anti- 
Federalists became Close Constructionists, because they wished 
to interpret the constitution according to its terms and prevent 
an ingenious construction of its provisions. 

FEDERAL PARTY.— When the constitution was reported 
by the Philadelphia convention, the energies of the Strong 
Government men were exerted to secure the ratification of the 
new instrument, and, because these partisans favored a federal 
government under the constitution, they assumed for their 
party the name of Federal. This party was in the minority till 
the beginning of Washington's administration. The Federalists 
became Broad Constructionists, because they desired to inter- 
pret the constitution so as to invest the Federal government 
with a great amount of power. Discussions upon the subject of 
ratification were carried on in public assemblies, through the 
press, and in local legislatures. Jay, Wilson, Hamilton and 
Madison were especially conspicuous in the Federal cause. In 
a New York newspaper there appeared, under the name of 
"Publius," eighty-five essays favoring the adoption of the con- 
stitution. These essays, written by Hamilton, Madison, and 
Jay, were collected and published in a book called "The Fed- 
eralist," "which is a classic in American political literature." 
The labors of the Federalists had the desired effect. On the 2d 
day of July, 1788, Congress was informed by the president that 
nine states had ratified the constitution. That body fixed the 
"first Wednesday in March as the time, and New York as the 
place, for commencing proceedings under the constitution." 

Washington was inaugurated on the 30th of April, 1789 ; 
and government under an officer designated the "President of 
the United States," was then begun. 


FEDERAL PARTY IN POWER.-At the dissolution of the j was that of organizing a government ««**£» ^^ e c0 * 

ConfSitntheFederal party passedinto power andassumed , fl« tf*.^™ b ^^^ ^K pX 
control of the national legislature. The first duty of the party [ ington, wishing to be a mediator between p P 


and to show that the administration had only the best wishes of 
the country at heart, formed his cabinet of men holding opposite 
views on politics. 

ANTI-FEDERALS ORGANIZE.— At the beginning of the 
administration the Anti-Federals did not constitute an organized 
opposition to the party in power; but as new measures of the 
government were advanced, they v/ere taken as issues for draw- 
ing party lines and for perfecting and strengthening the ranks 
of the minority. 

HAMILTON AND JEFFERSON were members of Washing- 
ton's cabinet, and held antagonistic views on the subject of gov- 
ernment. Their ideas made their way into Congress, thence 
among the people, were responded to by nearly equal numbers, 
and formed, principally, the issues on which the political parties 
were divided for a number of succeeding administrations. 
Hamilton was the leader of the Federal party, and Jefferson of 
the opposition. 

TARIFF — During the first session of Congress, a law was 
passed in which the principle of a protective tariff was recog- 
nized by declaring it to be ''necessary for the support of govern- 
ment, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the 
encouragement of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, 
wares, and merchandise imported." Hamilton's report on the 
subject, made after this law was passed, is regarded by free- 
traders as most cunningly devised, and by protectionists as con- 
taining arguments never answered. 

BILL OF RIGHTS.— One of the serious objections to the 
constitution before its ratification was "the absence of a distinct 
bill of rights, recognizing the fundamental principles of govern- 
ment—the equality of all men, and their rights to life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness." The objections to the constitu- 
tion which had been pointed out before its adoption were con- 
densed, in the first session of Congress, and moulded into a bill 
of rights "consisting of twelve articles, ten of which were after- 
wards ratified and incorporated as amendments into the consti- 

STATE SOVEREIGNTY.-That the interests of the states 
should be guarded with jealous care, was the most prominent 
political idea in the minds of the Anti-Federals under the Con- 
federation. When the new government went into operation 
their views were not changed, and they continued to base their 
party upon the leading ideas, that delegated authority should be 
regarded with distrust, and that the power of a state should be 
supreme. In these they were strengthened by what appeared 
to be the monarchical tendencies of the Federals and their broad 
construction of the constitution. 

FINANCIAL POLICY.— Legislation upon finance began in 
January, 1790, and was in accordance with Hamilton's financial 
policy. It embraced considerations on debts, internal revenue, 
and a United States bank. The Federal measures on these sub- 
jects caused the Anti-Federals to complete their organization in 
opposition to the administration, and added to their ranks a 
number of Federals, among whom was James Madison, who had 
done more than any other man, besides Hamilton, to effect the 
adoption of the constitution. 

THE DEBTS occasioned legislation on the Funding act, pro- 
viding for the funding of the national debt, and on the Assump- 
tion bill, providing for the assumption, by the Union, of the 
debts of the states. The opposition to the first was not very 
great, but the Assumption bill was passed only by a compromise 
which allowed "the new capital" to be located on the Potomac 

instead of on the Susquehanna. The bill elicited a memorial 
from the Virginia assembly, petitioning that the measure be 
repealed to prevent a change in the form of the national govern- 

INTERNAL REVENUE.— The excise law imposed a tax on 
spirituous liquors distilled in the country. The opposition to 
the law was not limited to a war of words ; four counties in west- 
ern Pennsylvania rose in insurrection, defied the authority of 
the government, tarred and feathered a tax collector, robbed 
him of his horse, and committed other acts of violence. 

MILITIA.— After three years of disobedience to law, the 
administration determined " to try whether the new constitution 
had really created a government ;" accordingly, fifteen thousand 
militia were called out (1794), and their appearance in the rebel- 
lious districts restored the insurgents to order. When the militia 
was called for, "vials of gall," by the Anti-Federals, were 
poured out on Hamilton, who had advised the measure ; they, 
calling him a despot and a usurper, prophesied that the militia 
would not obey orders ; that civil war would ensue ; and that 
the insurgent counties would secede from the Union. 

NATIONAL BANK.— A bill establishing a national bank 
passed Congress in 1791, and was signed by the president after 
Hamilton and Knox had decided that it was constitutional, and 
Jefferson and Randolph had expressed a contrary opinion. In 
their opposition to the bill, the minority argued that the estab- 
lishment of a national bank was not constitutional, because a 
bank was not authorized by the constitution ; that it was not 
necessary to the exercise of any powers expressly given by that 
instrument ; that it would prevent the states from maintaining 
banks ; and would give to the place where the bank was located 
an advantage over all others. 

SLAVERY.— While the financial questions were before the 
country, a Pennsylvania society petitioned Congress to use its 
powers to stop the traffic in slaves. On the question of referring 
the petition to a committee, there ensued, sectional in character 
rather than political, a violent debate on the question of slavery, 
the first of the kind in the history of the Union. The discussion 
took a wide range, and, before closing, the threat of civil war 
was heard. In 1793 a fugitive slave law was enacted. 

REPUBLICAN PARTY.-After the ten amendments to the 
constitution had been ratified, the objections of the minority to 
that instrument were soon entirely withdrawn. This, with the 
growing popularity of the constitution, caused Jefferson and his 
friends to reject, as inappropriate, the name of Anti-Federal, and 
assume the title of Democratic-Republican ; for they claimed to 
be the true friends of republican government instead of their 
opponents, whom they accused of hostility to popular institu- 
tions. Accordingly, after 1791, the organization was known as 
the Republican party, the name "Democratic" being generally 
dropped, owing to the charges concerning 

DEMOCRATS.— The party in power claimed to be Federal 
Republicans, and when they were accused of being monarchists 
and enemies of free institutions, they repelled the charge, and 
"stigmatized the Republicans as Democrats, an appellation 
assumed by the ferocious Jacobins who had so lately filled 
France with frenzy, terror, and bloodshed." The name being 
affixed as a reproach, was not at first adopted. 

ELECTION OF 1792.-Washington wished to retire to private 
life at the close of his first term, but being convinced that a major- 
ity of the people desired his continuance in office, he consented 


a candidate, and was re-elected by a unanimous vote. Mr. 
as chosen a second time for Vice-President. 

FRANCE.— "The French Revolution was at first hailed with 
delight by both parties in the United States;" but as the revolu- 
tionists grew bold in excess, sympathy was withdrawn from 
them by the Federals, and increased for them by the Anti-Fed- 
erals, whose favoritism in this direction continued more than 
two decades. 

FOREIGN POLICY.— So popular did the course of the revo- 
lutionists become in the United States that citizens were desirous 
to aid France in her war against England. To avert this danger, 
Washington (April 22, 1793,) issued his celebrated proclamation 
of neutrality, by which the United States were enjoined to keep 
free from complications with foreign nations. This defined the 
foreign policy of the government, and was attacked by the Re- 
publican press with such unwonted vigor that Hamilton entered 
the lists for the administration. Jefferson said the proclamation 
wounded popular feelings and national honor. The agitation 
closed at the recall of Genet, the French minister, whose conduct 
was resented by the government ; but France, in 1797, appeared 
a second time as a disturbing element in politics, in her efforts 
to draw the United States into a war against England. The 
difficulties which began at that time were not settled till the next 

ENGLAND.— In November, 1793, the English order in council 
forbade the commerce of foreign nations with the colonies of 
France. This was unfriendly to the United States; Congress 
voted an embargo of thirty days, and attempted legislation 
which would have rendered war with England almost inevitable. 

Washington sent Chief-Justice Jay as minister extraordinary to 
England, that he might effect a treaty of reconciliation between 
the two countries. The treaty was prepared and presented to 
the Senate for ratification. It was the signal for a political con- 
test which Washington regarded as the most serious crisis of his 
administration. The Federals advocated the ratification of the 
treaty. The Republicans "branded the Federalists as the British 
party," and charged them with sacrificing the most sacred dic- 
tates of national honor. The contest closed when the treaty was 

ELECTION OF 1796.— Washington's Farewell Address, 
issued in August of this year, assured the people that lie would 
now retire from public life. There was no other man on whom 
the whole nation could unite. The presidential contest which 
followed excited an implacable party spirit, and was the first 
great struggle for ascendency between the parties. The Fed- 
eralists nominated John Adams for President, and the Republi- 
cans, Thomas Jefferson. The result was a victory for each party. 
Mr. Adams was elected President, and Mr. Jefferson, receiving 
the next highest number of votes, was chosen Vice-President. 
The election showed that the Federalists were losing ground and 
that the Republicans were gaining. The former were weakened 
by feuds among their leaders, and the latter were strengthening 
their organization and numbers as they advanced from a party 
of mere opposition to one with a positive policy. 

administering the government, had been violently assailed by 
partisans, but nothing could alienate him from the affeclions of 
the people. "He retired, leaving to his successor a system of 
wise and sound policy successfully inaugurated." 


PRESIDENT'S POSITION.— John Adams was inaugurated 
President in Congress Hall, at Philadelphia, March 4th, 1797. 
In his address he denied the charge of sympathy for England 
"which had been hurled against the administration." This 
somewhat softened the ardor of the opposition ; but the Presi- 
dent continued his attachment for those who had elevated him 
to the position of Chief Magistrate. 

FRANCE.— Complications with France demanded immediate 
attention. The French Directory having failed in drawing the 
United States into an alliance with France against the allied 
powers, and, incensed at the treaty with England concluded by 
Jay, dismissed the American minister and began to cripple our 
foreign trade. The President called an extra session of Con- 
gress, which convened on the 15th of May, 1797. He laid before 
that body a statement of the aggressions of France. The ad- 
ministration had a majority in the Senate, but the House was 
doubtful. Advances for reconciliation with France were made 
by the President with the concurrence of the Senate. Party 
spirit ran high and was "tinged with bitterness hitherto un- 
known." The session closed on the 10th of July. "Notwith- 
standing the insults of the French Directory, the Republicans 
entertained an abiding affection for France." 

" STAMP ACT." — During the extra session an act was 
passed "laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment, and 

paper." This law resembled the stamp act of 1705, and was 
obnoxious to a large number of people. 

WAR VERSUS FRANCE.— Negotiations for a peaceable ad- 
justment of difficulties having proved fruitless, Congress began 
to prepare for war. A standing army (May, 1798), a naval 
armament, and the capture of French vessels, were authorized. 
Although neither country declared war, hostilities were begun 
upon the ocean. France, seeing the hostile attitude of the 
United States, made overtures for an adjustment of difficulties. 
These were accepted, and resulted in a treaty of peace (1800). 

licans maintained that, previous to actual hostilities, the militia 
and a small naval force were sufficient for internal defense, and 
the protection of our coasts and harbors. Accordingly, the 
actions of Congress, providing for the establishment of a stand- 
ing army, its enlargement, and that of the navy, were regarded 
as measures calculated to overawe public sentiment in time of 

ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS— The outrages of France 
were repugnant to many Republicans, and gained for a short 
time a large number of adherents to the Federal party. This 
rendered the administration sufficiently bold to attempt fetter- 


ing its enemy at liome. To this end were passed an alien, a 
sedition and a naturalization law. 

THE ALIEN LAW empowered the President to send out of 
the country any person reasonably suspected of engaging in 
secret machinations against the government. It was opposed 
because it lodged with the executive too much power, and was 
liable to great abuse. 

THE SEDITION LAW authorized the punishment, by fine 
and imprisonment, of persons who should unlawfully oppose 
or stir up sedition against the Federal government or its offi- 
cials. The Republicans resented the law, because it restricted 
the liberty of speech and of the press. 

THE NATURALIZATION LAW, with other requirements, 
provided that an alien must reside in the United States fourteen 
years before lie could become a citizen. This law was repugnant 
to the Republicans, since if retarded immigration, allowed in 
the country too many persons owing no allegiance to the gov- 
ernment, and assailed the idea that the rights of America are 
the rights of human nature. 

occasioned by the alien and sedition laws. Their importance 
lies in the fact that with them the doctrine of nullification orig- 
inated. Jefferson was the author of the former and Madison of 
the latter. The resolutions were protests against the measures 
of Congress, which, being unable to resist, the Republicans 
made through state legislatures. But Virginia did not stop 
with resolutions; it prepared to use force in resenting the 
encroachments of the Federal government, and for this purpose 
an armory was erected at Richmond. 

RUPTURE OF THE CABINET.-When the Sixth Congress 
convened, the Federal gain had been such as to give the admin- 
istration a majority in the House, but the gain was the result of 
external politics— the war with France— and its value could not 
be lasting. The supremacy of the Federal party was drawing 
to a close. A disaffection in its ranks had been growing for 
some time, when, in May, 1800, it occasioned a rupture of the 
cabinet. This served to weaken the efforts of the Federalists at 

THE ELECTION OF 1800.— The Federal candidates for 
President and Vice-President were John Adams and C. C. 
Pinckney. Mr. Adams' Federal opponents endeavored to 
secure the first position for Mr. Pinckney. Hamilton wrote a 
pamphlet setting forth the defects of Mr. Adams, and giving 
the "superior fitness of Mr. Pinckney for the position of Chief 
Magistrate." There was no such division among the opposition. 

In 1800, a congressional convention, composed of Republicans, 
was held in Philadelphia. Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Bun- 
were nominated as candidates for the executive offices. A plat- 
form of principles was promulgated. [See D. and PI.] An 
earnest and spirited campaign followed. Of the electors chosen, 
seventy-three were Republicans, and sixty-five Federalists. By 
the constitution at that time, each elector voted for two persons; 
he who received the greatest number of votes was to be Presi- 
dent, and he who received the next greatest was to be Vice- 
President. The Republicans voted so that Jefferson and Burr 
received each seventy-three votes, which threw the election into 
the House. Thomas Jefferson was chosen on the thirty-sixth 
ballot. During the excitement preceding the election of Jeffer- 
son the country was in peril. The Federalists thought of casting 
the election on the Senate, if the states could make no choice. 
To this the Republicans threatened forcible resistance. The 
efforts of the Federals in the House to defeat the election of 
Jefferson by forming a coalition with the friends of Burr, 
caused a great number to desert the Federal ranks and join the 

DEMOCRATS.— "Democratic-Republican," abbreviated to 
the second word, continued to be the official name of the party 
of Jefferson. The unpopularity of Adams' administration was 
transferred to the Federal party, and the name "Democrat," by 
which this organization stigmatized the minority, was adopted 
by a good portion of them, and became a synonym for the word 

DOWNFALL OF FEDERALISM.— The election of 1800 broke 
the sceptre of Federal power. The defeated factions charged 
each other with causing the downfall of the Federal party. But 
for this political prostration there were other causes. The 
party maintained its supremacy from the first more through 
superior organization and skillful leaders than through the aid 
of a numerical majority ; it organized a government, " novel in 
its character, and well calculated to create diversity of opinion 
relative to the details of its administration ;" it adhered to the 
policy of non-interference with the affairs of foreign nations, a 
policy which, as regards England and France, was not approved 
by large numbers of the people ; it increased the expenditures 
of the government to meet the rapid expansion and growing de- 
mand of the country, and this increase met with opposition, the 
causes not being sought. The Federal party did not fall without 
honor. "To it belongs the proud distinction of having laid the 
foundation of the government structure, and of having reared 
the machinery for its operation. The principles of the party 
survived its existence ; they were denounced by the opposition, 
but were generally re-established and maintained by the party 
that succeeded to power." 


REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES.- Thomas Jefferson was in- 
augurated President, at Washington City, March 4th, 1801. His 
policy was set forth in his inaugural address, which showed that 
he desired to effect a unity of action between the parties. What 
he deemed the essential principles of our government was stated 
in the following words : "Equal and exact justice to all men of 
whatever state or persuasion, religious or political ; peace, com- 
merce and honest friendship with all nations — entangling alli- 

ances with none ; the support of the state governments in all 
their rights, as the most competent administration for our do- 
mestic concerns, and the surest bulwark against anti-republican 
tendencies ; the preservation of the general government in its 
whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at 
home and safety abroad ; a jealous care of the right of election 
by the people ; a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are 
lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies 


are unprovided ; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the 
majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is 
no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent 
of despotism ; a well disciplined militia, our best reliance in 
peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve 
them ; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; 
economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly bur- 
dened ; the honest payment of our debts, and the sacred pres- 
ervation of the public faith ; encouragement of agriculture, and 
of commerce as its handmaid ; the diffusion of information, and 
arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason ; the free- 
dom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom of person under 
the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impar- 
tially selected !" This address, for along time, constituted a 
creed of political faith for great numbers of the people. 

REPUBLICAN TRACK.— Mr. Jefferson endeavored to put 
the government on its Republican track. Circumstances favored 
his endeavors. The foreign and domestic difficulties, which 
bore eo heavily upon his predecessor, were either settled or be- 
ing adjusted. National finances were prosperous, and material 
resources were increasing rapidly. He accepted the institutions 
of the government as they had been provided for by his prede- 
cessor, and in so doing incurred no responsibility. Many of his 
principles were the opposite of those on which the government 
was administered during Federal rule. The administration was 
sustained by large majorities, and the Republicans were gain- 
ing strength in every section of the Union. 

DEMOCRATS.— The name Democrat in the Ninth Congress 
began to encroach upon that of Republican, and continued to 
do so till the latter went into disuse. 

CHURCH AND STATE.— The formidable body of Federal- 
ists, who, during the first two administrations, were d-esirous of 
forming a union of church and state, surrendered the idea reluc- 
tantly when the Republican party came into power. The result 
was effected mainly through the arguments of this party. 

NATURALIZATION LAW.— The President, in his first mes- 
sage to the Seventh Congress, recommended legislation upon a 
variety of subjects, and dwelt at some length upon a revival of 
the naturalization law of 1798. Congress modified the law so as 
to retain the provisions of the one passed in 1795. "This 
required a residence of five years, and an application three years 
prior to admission." 

1808, several attempts were made by the inhabitants of Indiana 
territory to induce Congress to modify the ordinance of 1787 so 
that slaves, for a limited time, could be introduced into the ter- 
ritory. No favorable action on the subject was taken by Con- 
gress. The question was not made a political issue. 

THE PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA had its origin in the 
desire of the United States to obtain control of the mouth of the 
Mississippi, that our western inhabitants might have a market 
for their products without annoyance from a foreign power. A 
treaty for the purchase was concluded in April, 1803, and sub- 
mitted to Congress by the President on the 17th of October. 

The Republicans favored the annexation, and based its legal- 
ity upon an attribute of sovereignty transferred to the general 
government by the individual states. That attribute is the right 
to acquire territory. This was interpreting the constitution so 
as to give it assumed powers ; it was a doctrine which the Re- 
publicans had hitherto combated, but which they now advocated 
with great ardor. The executive himself did not believe that 

the constitution warranted the acquisition of foreign territory, 
but he acquiesced in the will of his friends. 

The Federals maintained that the government had no power 
to acquire territory, according to the terms of the constitution ; 
that the purchase of Louisiana would give to the southern states 
a preponderance which would continue for all time, since the 
internal development of the southern states would be more rapid 
than that of the northern ; that states developed out of the terri- 
tory west of the Mississippi would prove injurious to the com- 
merce of New England, and would disturb the political equilib- 
rium which should exist between the east and other sections of 
the country ; and that the admission of the "western world" 
into the Union would compel the eastern states to establish an 
independent empire. When the purchase was made, the minor- 
ity doubted whether the Louisianians should be admitted to the 
privileges of citizenship, owing to their lineage, dialect, manners, 
and religion. 

SECESSION PLANNED.— The accession of Louisiana to the 
Union impressed the Federalists with the idea that the "balance 
of power" among the states must remain forever in favor of the 
south, and prompted their most radical leaders to suggest the 
secession of the northern states. Their hope of success was in 
uniting with the followers of Burr, that lie might be elected 
governor of New York and be made leader of the northern 
party. This being accomplished, the name Federal would be 
dropped, and the war-cry would become "the north 1" and 
" the south!" 

But Hamilton opposed the plan, frustrated the election of 
Burr, and the overwhelming majorities of the party in power 
rendered fruitless any immediate attempts at dissolving the 

THE BURRITES.— A division in the Republican ranks took 
place at the election of Jefferson. The adherents of Aaron Bun- 
were called Burrites. The breach between the two portions 
broadened as the ambitious plans of Burr grew more daring. 
By a fusion with this faction, the Federalists hoped to regain 
power. The influence of the Burrites ceased with the death of 
their leader. 

ELECTION OF 1804.— The candidates for both parties, this 
year, were chosen by caucuses consisting of congressmen. The 
measures of Jefferson's administration were so popular among 
the people that he was re-elected in autumn by 162 out of 176 
electoral votes. ' 

THE EMBARGO.— The struggle in Europe between Napoleon 
and the allied powers, gave the President an opportunity to 
inaugurate a foreign policy. 

England forbade all trade with the French and their allies, 
and Napoleon, in retaliation, issued the Milan decree, by which 
all commerce with England and her colonies was prohibited. 
These measures violated the neutral rights of the United States 
and were destructive to their commerce. "American seamen 
were impressed by British cruisers and compelled to serve in a 
foreign navy." Reasonable diplomacy having been rejected, 
the President recommended an embargo. Congress took the 
measure under advisement, and three days afterward, on the 
21st of December, 18J7, passed the Embargo act. The law was 
at first quietly received by the people, owing to the belief then 
prevalent that the disturbance of commercial relations with a 
foreign power was a sure means of defense against injuries which 
the nation might inflict. This belief did not last long, and the 
Republican party was required to defend the act. The embargo 
was the great landmark of Jefferson's administration, which 
claimed that "its only choice lay between the embargo and war, 



and that war should be avoided as long as possible." The Re- 
publicans urged in defense of their position, that it was the only 
way in which the United States could obtain redress from Eng- 
land and Prance. Both countries had injured the United States 
in the same way, and to obtain redress by warlike measures 
would involve the United States in a war with both. This, it 
was claimed, was something for which the country was not pre- 
pared. When the promised effects of the embargo were not 
produced, the people began fo murmur. The Federals urged 
that the government, by stopping commerce, laid " violent hands 
on the commercial existence of hundreds of thousands of its 
citizens;" that the embargo was unconstitutional, because it was 
not limited to a definite time; that it helped England against 
Prance, and was so intended ; and that it ruined a large portion 
of the productive industry of the country. 

When it became an established fact that all interests had suf- 
fered from the embargo, the tide of public opinion turned against 
it, and the law met with open resistance on the eastern coast and 
the Canadian border. In January, 1809, the inefficiency of the 
embargo having been ascertained, the administration avowed a 
change of front, and resolved to resume and defend the naviga- 
tion of the high seas against any nation having in force decrees 
violating the neutral rights of the United States. Congress pro- 
vided for the repeal of the law on the 18th of March. 

The discussions over the embargo added strength to the Fed- 
eralists, but, lacking leaders, they were unable to profit by their 
advantage. At first they advocated war with England, instead 
of the embargo, but when the dominant party changed front 
and determined upon a repeal of the act and a defense of com- 
merce, they opposed, unconditionally, a war with England. 

THE NON-INTERCOURSE ACT was a law prohibiting com- 
mercial intercourse with England and France, until the " orders 
in council" and the "decrees" should be repealed. 

ELECTION OF 1808.-President Jefferson, in imitation of 
the example of Washington, declined a re-election. The Repub- 
licans were divided as to who should be his successor. One 
caucus nominated James Madison and another James Monroe. 
Charles C. Pinckney and Rufus King were the Federal candi- 
dates. An earnest canvass followed, in which the Republicans 
feared their own dissensions more than Federal opposition. 
Seventeen congressmen formally protested against the election 
of Madison, and proclaimed his unfitness for the presidency. In 
some places George Clinton was suggested as the proper man 
for the position. The embargo, during the canvass, operated in 
the interests of the Federalists ; but the dominant party was too 
strong to be overthrown. Madison was elected by a large 

REPUBLICANISM TESTED— Jefferson's administration 
gave him an opportunity to exemplify the substantive ideas 
embodied in the platform on which he was elected, and asserted 
in his inaugural address. He tested Republicanism, and demon- 
strated that according to its principles the government could be 
administered with fairness. His course was consistent; his 
duties were faithfully performed; his administration was 'pro- 
motive of the varied interests of the country; and its influence 
upon the sentiments and aspirations of the people was benign. 


MADISON'S POLICY, both in regard to foreign and general 
affairs was the same as that of Jefferson. His inaugural address 
contained an enunciation of principles which repeated, in sub- 
stance, those of his predecessor, and added nothing save what 
was demanded by the exigencies of the times. 

DIPLOMACY.— Mr. Madison inherited from the previous 
administration the pending controversy with England. He de- 
sired to avert war as long as possible by the use of diplomacy. 
England and Prance were still at a dead-lock and disregarding 
neighboring neutrals. The former adhered to her "orders in 
council," and insisted that " a man once a subject was always a 
subject ;" the latter had authorized the seizure and confiscation of 
American vessels which should enter the ports of Prance. Mr 
Erskine, the British minister, in April, 1809, concluded a treaty 
with the government, which engaged that the "orders in coun- 
cil" should be withdrawn ; but the British ministry refused to 
sanction his action. When the Non-intercourse act expired, in 
May, 1810, Mr. Madison " caused proposals to be made to both 
belligerents, that if either would revoke its hostile edict, this 
Ia»v should only be revived and enforced against the other 
nation." France accepted the proposal and received the bene- 
fits of its execution ; England did not. 


As the National Bank would cease to exist on the 4th of March 
1811, unsuccessful attempts that year were made in Congress to 
pass a bill rechartering the institution. The measure was advo- 

cated by the Federalists ; the Republicans as a rule oi 
the bill, although some of them gave it their support. 

THIRD EMBARGO.-In April, 1812, the President recom- 
mended an embargo for sixty days ; Congress passed a bill to 
that effect, but extended the time to ninety days. 

ELECTION OF I812.-The Republican party was divided 
on the question of a war with England. One portion favorino- 
the war, and headed by Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun, was 
called the war party; the other portion questioned the propriety 
of a declaration of war, and received the sympathy of the Presi- 
dent. The war party determined that Mr. Madison should iden- 
tify himself with them, and refused to give him their support 
for a second term unless he would comply with their wishes 
The desired effect having been produced upon the President, he 
was nominated for re-election by the Republicans, at a congres- 
sional caucus held at Washington on the 8th of May. The Fed- 
eralists, having no ticket of their own, supported Clinton and 
Ingersoll. In the south and west, Mr. Madison met with but 
little opposition ; in New England the contest was excitino- ;and 
in New York, where the Clintonians and Federalists coalesced, 
there were " accusations of infidelity to the Republican cause, 
which inflicted political wounds that were never healed." 

CLINTONIANS.— Certain Republicans in northern and south- 
ern states, not wishing that Virginia should monopolize the ad- 
ministration of the country, objecting to the caucus system 


because by it the people were not consulted in selecting candi- 
dates, and dissatisfied with the foreign policy of the administra- 
tion — withdrew their support from Mr. Madison, and, headed 
by the New York legislature, nominated DeWitt Clinton and 
Jared Ingersoll for the offices of President and Vice-President. 
The supporters of this ticket were called Clintonians. They 
issued an address to the electors of the United States, which 
constituted the platform of their party, and contained a state- 
ment of the issues involved in the campaign. [See D. and PI.] 

was declared and supported by the Republicans, and for the 
measure they were held responsible. On the first of June the 
President, in a message, declared that our flag was continually 
violated on the high seas ; that the right of searching American 
vessels for British seamen was claimed and practiced ; that 
thousands of American citizens had been dragged on board of 
foreign ships and exiled to distant climes ; that remonstrances 
were disregarded ; that a peaceful adjustment was refused ; that 
American blood had been shed ; and that the British ministry 
had been intriguing for a dismemberment of the Union. Delib- 
erations in favor of war were begun immediately, carried on with 
closed doors, and hurried through so rapidly that the minority 
were cut off from debate. On the 18th of June war was declared, 
but it was a party rather than a national war. It was supported 
in the south and the west with unanimity and patriotism ; in 
New England it was violently opposed. Perhaps nine-tenths of 
the people were at first in favor of war. The administration 
party branded the leaders of the minority as Jacobins, enemies 
of republics, and as monarchists, designing the subversion of 
the Union. In December, 1813, the President recommended 
greater restrictions on importations. Congress, accordingly, in 
secret session, passed a bill imposing great "restrictions on 
commerce on inland waters." This is known as the embargo. 

Negotiations for a peace which would insure to the United 
States a redress of the wrongs complained of, were in progress 
during most of the war. In 1813, the Emperor of Russia offered 
his mediation between the hostile governments. It was accepted 
by the United States and declined by England ; but the latter 
proposed to treat directly with our government. This met with 
the approbation of the administration, and a treaty of peace was 
signed at Ghent, in Belgium, December 24th, 1814. ' 

FEDERAL OPPOSITION.— After the declaration of war 
thirty-four Federal representatives protested, in an address, 
both against the war and the way in which it had been declared. 
Not all of the minority opposed the war ; but some of them de- 
clared it presumptuous, inexpedient, unnecessary, immoral, 
cruel, unjust, and ruinous. Some of the New England states 
refused the militia aid which the administration called for. 
Massachusetts voted two memorials to Congress, protesting 
against the war and piling for peace. In February, 1814, a 
committee of the general assembly of this state presented the 
following report on numerous petitions which had been sent to 
the legislature: "A power to regulate commerce is abused, when 
employed to destroy it ; and a manifest and voluntary abuse of 
power sanctions the spirit of resistance, as much as a direct and 
palpable usurpation. The sovereignty reserved to the states 
was reserved to protect the citizens from acts of violence by the 
United States, as well as for the purpose of domestic regulation. 
AVe spurn the idea that the free, sovereign and independent 
state of Massachusetts is reduced to a mere municipal corpora- 
tion, without power to protect its people and defend them from 
oppression, from whatever quarter it comes. When the national 
compact is violated, and the citizens of the state are oppressed 
by cruel and unauthorized law, this legislature is bound to inter- 

pose its power and wrest from the oppressor his victim." This 
report embodied the political ideas contained in the Virginia 
and Kentucky resolutions of 1798, and shows that the Federals 
were advocating, in regard to state sovereignty, the doctrine 
which they condemned in Adams' administration. The Repub- 
licans declared the report to be treasonable. The political par- 
ties on this subject had completely changed grounds. 

THE PEACE PARTY was formed, professedly, for the pur- 
pose of inculcating the benign doctrines of peace, but its ulterior 
purpose was to oppose the war and "array the religious senti- 
ment of the country against the administration." "The Wash- 
ington Benevolent Society" was established, having similar 
objects in view. 

THE BLUE LIGHT TELEGRAPH was used at New London 
to inform the ships of the enemy when American vessels would 
put to sea. It consisted of blue lights which were thrown up 
and burned like rockets. 

THE HARTFORD CONVENTION assembled nine days 
before the treaty of Ghent. It consisted of Federal delegates 
from the New England states. They deliberated three weeks 
with closed doors, and prepared an address in which they 
expressed themselves in regard to tin.' condition of the country 
and the policy of the administration. They adopted a number 
of resolutions, which, among other things, called for seven 
amendments to the constitution. [See D. and PI.] It was im- 
puted, at the time, that the convention had for its ultimate object 
a movement which would enable the New England states to 
negotiate a separate peace with Great Britain, but the change 
in our foreign relations prevented a disclosure of its ulterior 

DEATH OF THE FEDERAL PARTY.— When the war was 

over, the country was soon blessed with great prosperity. The 
sufferings of the conflict were forgotten, and men seemed to 
remember, most of all, how reluctantly the Federals had aided 
the Union in its time of need. Their leaders had taken part in the 
Hartford convention, and its designs, by the opposition, were 
declared to be treasonable. The guilt attached to a connection 
with this convention isolated the leaders more and more, while 
their followers rapidly joined the opposing ranks. At this time 
the dissolution of the Federal party began; it continued till the 
organization ceased to exist. 

NATIONAL BANK.-In April, 1816, a bill providing for 

the establishment of a National Bank was passed by Congress. 
The institution was chartered for a term of twenty years. The 
measure being eminently Republican, met witli Federal opposi- 
tion. On the question of a bank the parties had changed places 
since 1811. 

PROTECTIVE TARIFF— In his seventh annual message, 
Mr. Madison urged upon Congress a revision of the tariff, and 
gave reasons why home industry should be protected. Con- 
gress, pursuant to the recommendation, enacted a protective 
tariff. Protection had hitherto been secondary, now it was of 
primary importance. The law was as popular in the south as 
in any other section of the Union, in view of the heavy duties 
upon raw cotton, which Great Britain imposed at that time. 
The bill was opposed by the Federals. The Republicans, to 
strengthen their position in support of the act, republished 
Hamilton's report. Since the days of Hamilton the parties had 
exchanged positions on the tariff question. The measure at this 
time was defended by Clay, Calhoun and Lowndes. Webster 
and Randolph were arrayed against it. 


THE ELECTION OF I816.-At a Republican caucns, March 
16th, 1816, two unsuccessful attempts were made "to pass a 
resolution declaring it inexpedient to make caucus nominations 
by members of Congress." The practice had previously occa- 
sioned a defection among the Republicans, and now nineteen 
of the congressmen refused to participate in the proceedings. 
Monroe and Tompkins were nominated, by a vote which was 
declared unanimous. The Federals, coalescing with Clinton- 
ians, who repudiated caucus nominations, were without much 
strength ; their candidates were Rufus King and John E. 

Though the nomination of Monroe had been resisted on per- 

sonal grounds, and because of "an unwillingness on the part of 
many that the 'Virginia Dynasty' should continue," he, never- 
theless, was elected by 183 votes against 34 cast for the Feder- 

INTERNAL IMPROTEMENTS were at first favored by Mr. 
Madison, but during his administration his mind underwent a 
change on the subject, and on the day before his retirement from 
office he vetoed a bill favoring such works. He did not think 
that the constitution authorized the government to 


ERA OF GOOD FEELING.— When Monroe's administration 
began, the questions involved in the old controversy between 
the parties had ceased to have any practical significance. He 
adopted the doctrine of the new school of Republicans, of which 
Clay and Calhoun were leaders, and thus became acceptable to 
the Federalists, "who were gradually yielding to the liberal 
views of new generations of men." The Clintonians and the 
friends of Crawford acquiesced in the decision of the last elec- 
tion, and "most of them signified their intention of supporting 
the administration." 

Wherever party differences existed, they were subsiding by 
frees into calm serenity. The President visited the states, 
the summer after his inauguration, and the favorable greeting 
which he received, added to the political peace which the coun- 
try enjoyed, caused it to be announced that the " Era of Good 
Feeling" had begun. By this designation the whole of Mon- 
roe's administration is known, though it belongs more distinctly 
to the second term. 

JACKSON'S ADVICE.- General Jackson, gratified at the 
auspicious circumstances attending Mr. Monroe, advised him as 
follows: "Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called 
party spirit. By selecting [for cabinet officers] characters most 
conspicuous for their probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, 
without regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, 
eradioate those feelings, which, on former occasions, threw so 
many obstacles in the way of government. The chief mag- 
istrate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge hi 
party feelings. His conduct should be liberal and disinterested; 
always bearing in mind, that he acts for the whole and not a 
part of the community." 

Mr. Monroe, believing that a free government can exist with- 
out parties, concurred generally in the views of Jackson, but 
thought that he could bring all the people quietly into the 
Republican fold, and at the same time let his administration 
rest strongly on that party. All of his cabinet members were 

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS.- In his inaugural address 
the President dwelt at length upon the subject of internal im- 
provements. He believed that the government should encourage 
the system, but did not think Congress was clothed by the consti- 
tution with sufficient power to authorize measures supporting it. 

During the first session of the Fifteenth Congress, measures in 
the interest of internal improvements were earnestly discussed. 
A majority of the Republicans, headed by Henry Clay, were 
advocates of the system, but learning that the President would 
veto any bill in favor of such improvements, they gave the 
subject no further -attention till the next session, when it was 
renewed under the pressure of petitions from several states. A 
bill for the repair and preservation of the Cumberland road was 
vetoed by the President, with the objection that the constitution 
would not authorize such legislation without an amendment to 
that effect. 

THE FLORIDA CESSION.-The treaty ceding Florida to 
the United States, and concluded in 1819, provided that the 
latter, for the territory acquired, should give Spain $5,000,000 
and the Federal claim to Texas. 

To the purchase of Florida there was no opposition ; but it 
was claimed that in acquiring Florida, Texas had been given 
away ; that this relinquishment dismembered the Mississippi 
Valley ; and that it would lead to a war for the establishment 
of boundaries. Though the treaty was denounced and the 
motives of its authors attacked, it was at last unanimously 
ratified by the Senate, and met with the approbation of the 

THE MISSOURI QUESTION.- When the bill to admit Mis- 
souri as a state into the Union had passed to its legislative stage 
Gen. Tallmadge, February, 1819, moved the following proviso ': 
"And provided, That the further introduction of slavery or 
involuntary servitude, be prohibited except for the punishment 
of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted • 
and that all children born within the said state, after the admis- 
sion thereof into the Union, shall be free at the age of twenty- 
five years." This marks the beginning of the famous struggle be- 
tween the free and the slave states. In the debate which ensued 
those opposing the proviso argued that Congress had no consti- 
tutional right to impose restrictions as to slavery upon a state 
wishing admittance into the Union ; that the right to hold slaves 
was guaranteed to the original states by the constitution ; and 
that the right applied to the new states as well as to the old 
On the other hand, it was maintained that to leave slavery in the 
old states was a violation of principle, and to permit it in new 
ones was a violation of the constitution. During the discussion 


it was declared that the adoption of the proviso would be the 
death knell of the American Union. The bill as restricted 
passed the House, but failed in the Senate. The subject was 
dropped till the first session of the Sixteenth Congress, when 
Missouri a second time applied for admittance into the Union. 
The House and the Senate failing to agree upon the terms of 
admission, a joint committee of conference was appointed, which 
reported and suggested that Missouri should be admitted as a 
slave state, and that slavery should be prohibited from all terri- 
tory north of 36° 30' and west of the Mississippi. The measure 
passed both Houses, became a law in March, 1820, and has since 
been known as the Missouri Compromise. It quieted for awhile 
the storm raised by the proviso, on which the Republicans took 
issue among themselves. 

The last struggle on the Missouri Question was in 1821, when 
the state submitted its constitution to Congress for approval. 
The instrument contained a clause which excluded "free ne- 
groes and mulattoes from coming to and settling in this state 
under any pretext whatever." Congress required that this be 
so changed as to "guarantee to the citizens of every state the 
same rights in Missouri that they enjoyed at home." This con- 
dition was enacted by the Missouri legislature, and the state 
was admitted in August, 1821. 

Preceding the discussion of the Missouri Question, slavery 
had not entered to a great extent as an element in politics, and 
now the discussion on the question was geographical rather than 
political. Those favoring the extension of slavery were mostly 
from slave states ; the advocates of restriction were generally 
from the free states. At this time the opposition to the Repub- 
licans was twenty-seven in the House and seven in the Senate. 

ELECTION OF 1820.— In April, 1820, a call for a Repub- 
lican nominating caucus was published by Samuel Smith, who 
had been chairman of the caucus in 1816. Pursuant to the call, 
on the following Saturday, fifty Republicans assembled in the 
House of Representatives, but owing to the absence of so many 
members and the general opposition to caucuses the assembly 
adjourned sine die. There was no necessity for a nomination 
at this time, for " the people had preordained that Monroe and 
Tompkins were to be re-elected." Mr. Monroe received all the 
electoral votes but one, which, was cast for John Q. Adams ; 
Mr. Tompkins, all but fourteen, which were given to three other 
Republicans. The Federalists presented no candidates, because 
of their disorganized condition and the rapidity with which they 
were commingling with the Republican party. 

REPUBLICANS UNOPPOSED.— The beginning of Monroe's 
second term closes the second era in our political history. Old 
party distinctions were obliterated and opinions on new issues 
were in a formative condition. In a few of the states where the 
Federal party had been strongest, its existence was nominally 
maintained for awhile, but it advocated no distinct issues of its 
own. Federalism was dismissed as an obsolete idea. 

THE MONROE DOCTRINE was announced in a message to 
Congress, December 2d, 1823. The following words contain the 
principle involved : "We owe it to candor and to the amicable 
relations existing between the United States and the European 
powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their 
part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere 
as dangerous to our peace and safety." This, with the accom- 
panying reasons for the position taken, was a statement of the 

doctrine that "America is for Americans," and exemplified the 
policy of Washington — "No entangling alliances." Congress 
deemed the position necessary, but did not enforce it. The 
doctrine was called out by an attempt of the Holy Alliance to 
check liberty on both sides of the Atlantic, and to extend a 
fostering care to the revolted Spanish provinces of Central and 
South America. When the protest of the United States was 
joined by England, the attempt of the allies was abandoned. 

PROTECTIVE TARIFF.— A bill for reviving the tariff was 
passed during the first session of the Eighteenth Congress. The 
vote showed that since 1816 political changes had been made on 
the question. At that time the southern states voted for a pro- 
tective tariff ; now they voted against it. The navigating and 
the planting states opposed the bill, the former thinking it 
would be injurious to commerce, and the latter to agriculture. 
The grain-growing states favored the tariff, in the belief that it 
would benefit agriculture. The question was superior to all 
others during the session. Clay was champion of the protective 
system, and Webster of its opposition. 

DEMOCRATIC— Since the adoption of the term "Demo- 
cratic" as an equivalent for "Republican," the popularity of 
the former had steadily increased as well as the frequency of its 
use in political literature. 

ELECTION OF 1824 Jackson, Adams, and Clay, were 

nominated by state legislatures and other political machinery. 
Crawford was chosen by a caucus. This injured his prospects, 
for the caucus system had become so odious that the Republi- 
cans would unite on no man nominated in that way. Each 
candidate was a Republican. The canvass was exciting, but the 
considerations were local and personal rather than political, 
Republicanism being not at issue with any opposing measure. 
This quadrangular contest, known as the "scrub race," com- 
pletely overthrew "king caucus" and failed to indicate a choice 
of the candidates ; accordingly, it devolved upon the House to 
choose a President out of the three highest on the list— Jackson, 
Adams and Crawford. It rested upon Mr. Clay to decide which 
of these should administer the government. His position was 
so delicate and critical that no path was left him on which he 
could move without censure. He was equal to the task, and 
determined to vote for Mr. Adams, basing his objection to Mr. 
Crawford on the ground of ill health, and the circumstances 
under which he was before the House, and to General Jackson, 
on the fact that he was a military chieftain. 

PEOPLE'S PARTY.— In the state of New York, at the fall 
elections of 1823, the Republicans were divided upon the choice 
of presidential electors. Some wished them to be chosen by 
the state legislatures; others, by the people. The latter portion 
developed into a political organization called the "People's 

MONROE'S RETIREMENT was accompanied with the com- 
pletion of the work undertaken at the beginning of his admin- 
istration—that of converting his enemies into friends and of 
effecting a Republican fusion. His foreign policy had been 
excellently managed by John Q. Adams ; commerce had recov- 
ered from its prostration by war and the embargo ; domestic 
industry had revived ; the Missouri Compromise had quieted 
apprehensions regarding a dissolution of the Union ; and parti- 
san feuds had quieted into a condition of peace and harmony. 



THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY, as pointed out at his inau- 
guration, was the same as that of Monroe; but lie did not doubt 
the power of Congress to authorize measures favoring internal 
improvements. In the selection of subordinates he endeavored 
to adopt a conciliatory course by appointing officers from the 
ranks of those who had been his opponents at the last election. 
Clay and Crawford were called to the cabinet ; the latter de- 

PERSISTENT OPPOSITION.-This course was not gener- 
ally approved, nor was it appreciated where generosity was be- 
stowed. It was charged upon the President that his election 
was effected through a bargain with Mr. Clay. Though the 
accusation could not be proved, it promoted the interests in 
opposition to the administration. In the Nineteenth Congress 
the friends of Jackson and Crawford united to embarrass the 
measures of the President; and the first session of the Twentieth 
Congress, composed of partisans devoted mainly to the over- 
throw of the administration, was an organized opposition to 
every question upon which the President relied for approval by 
the people. 

THE PANAMA MISSION.-Commissioners from American 
nations were invited by Spanish- American republics to meet at 
Panama, in June, 1826, with a view to confederate against Euro- 
pean despotism under the name of the Holy Alliance. Ambas- 
sadors were appointed, but failed to reach Panama. The bill in 
Congress, authorizing the mission, excited intemperate discus- 
sion and feelings of estrangement between the President and 
Senate. The debate brought in the slavery question, and ideas 
on the subject were advanced which were new to the members 
from the free states. It was claimed that slavery in the states 
was an independent institution, and that its owners were invested 
with inherent rights. 

removal of the Creek Indians, occasioned a, difficulty between 
that State and Federal authority. The governor advocated 
resistance to the general government, and a committee of the 
state legislature made a report suggesting a southern confed- 
eracy, thus starting the doctrine of nullification. This doctrine 
had originated with Jefferson and Monroe in the Kentucky and 
Virginia resolutions of 1798 ; was proclaimed by the Massachu- 
setts legislature in 1814 ; but it now appeared in a bolder form 
than ever before. It was fostered in Georgia during the admin- 
istration, and strengthened by the tariff of 1828. Congress left 
the President to pursue his own course regarding the contro- 
versy. The question was not settled till the next administration. 

REPUBLICAN PARTY DIVIDED.-The disaffection in the 
Republican ranks, which began at the election of Adams, in- 
creased till 1827, when the friends of Jackson and Crawford 
constituted an organized opposition to those of Adams and Clay. 
The following year each division became a distinct political 
party under a name of its own. 

HIGH TARIFF OF 1828—The duties, according to the 
tariff of 1S24, were ad valorem. Importers would invoice their 
goods bnlow their real value and thus defraud the revenue. To 
remedy this, the tariff was amended in 1828. Debate on the 
question continued for more than two months, and created 
great excitement, both in and out of Congress. In South Caro- 

lina the measure was denounced in the strongest terms. Her 
citizens petitioned the legislature to "save them from the grasp 
of usurpation and poverty," occasioned by such a law. Daniel 
Webster and other prominent statesmen, who had hitherto op- 
posed a protective tariff, now became its advocates. 

ELECTION OF 1828 — "Simultaneously with the election 
of Mr. Adams in the House did the canvass for the succeeding 
election begin— General Jackson being the announced candidate 
on one side, and Mr. Adams on the other. These efforts, under- 
taken by the friends of the candidates, were soon seconded by 
the people. The legislature of Tennessee nominated General 
Jackson in October, 1825. Mr. Adams was nominated by the 
general assembly of Massachusetts. Additional nominations 
were made for each by conventions of friends. The caucus sj^s- 
tem had gone into disuse, and national conventions had not been 
invented. The canvass was long and exciting. The merits and 
failings of earh candidate were magnified in an unusual degree ; 
but the hero of New Orleans was elected by an overwhelming 

THE ANTI-MASONIC PARTY.— William Morgan, a Royal 
Arch Mason, of x Genesee county, New York, threatened to pub- 
lish the secrets of Masonry. He was arrested for a debt of two 
dollars and thrown into jail, from which he was taken by night 
to Port Niagara. He remained a short time at this place, and 
on the 29th of September, 1826, disappeared, and was never seen j 
afterwards. Much excitement followed this event, for it was 
claimed that the Masons had put him to death clandestinely. 
The subject was taken into politics the following year, and the 
Anti-Masonic party was organized, which found adherents in all 
the principal towns and cities in the west. The principal object 
of the party was the exclusion from office of the supporters of 

DEMOCRATIC PARTY.-That division in the Republican 
party which supported Jackson and Crawford, abandoned, in 
182S, the name of Republican and adopted the title of "Demo- 
cratic,"^ "as a novel, distinct and popular name." This marks 
the beginning of the modern Democratic party, though its adhe- 
rents were generally called Jackson men till 1836. The Demo- 
crats, being close constructionists, claimed their organization to 
be a reformation and continuation of the real party of Jefferson. 

Republican party which adhered to Adams as their candidate, 
retained the name "Republican," to which they prefixed the 
word "national" as an indication of the national character of 
Republicanism in contradistinction from the alleged sectional 
policy espoused by the Jackson party. The National Republi- 
cans adhered professedly to the faith of the Republican party, 
and claimed that their organization was a continuation of the 
party of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Adams. The National 
Republicans were broad constructionists. 

OTHER MEASURES — An attempt was made to amend the 
constitution respecting the election of President; a committee 
was appointed " to inquire into the expediency of reducing the 
patronage of the executive government ; " resolutions on retrench- 
ment and reform were introduced ; and a bill was brought for- 
ward "to provide for the distribution of a part of the revenues of 
the United States among the several states." On these no con- 
clusive results were reached. 



THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS of General Jackson was 
highly Republican, and, so far as it contained expressions of 
opinion, was in accordance with the views of his four predeces- 
sors. To the position taken by the state of Georgia regarding 
federal and state authority, the President made, no allusion ; lie 
promised, however, to take care not to confound the reserved 
powers of the separate states with those they had granted to the 

BANK.— The first annual message of the President showed 
that he questioned the constitutionality and expediency of the 
National Bank. His aversion to this institution, afterwards, 
received the sanction of his party. 

REMOVALS.— President Jackson, while administering the 
government, removed 690 men from Federal offices, and filled 
the vacancies thus made with officials whose political views 
accorded with those of his own. The General, confident that he 
could conduct the government better by the aid of his friends 
than by the assistance of his opponents, often remarked that he 
was "too old a soldier to leave his garrison in the hands of his 
enemies." This prescriptive policy was novel in politics, and 
was violently contested by the opposition. 

WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE.— In December, 1829, Mr. 
Foote, of Connecticut, introduced into the Senate a resolution, 
"inquiring into the expediency of suspendingthe sales of public 
lands." The debate which followed included within its range a 
variety of topics, among which was that of state rights. On this 
subject Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, spoke at great length, 
and took the position that the Federal government was not 
superior in authority to an individual state, and that his own 
state had the right to decide, on its own responsibility, a law of 
Congress to be unconstitutional. This startling doctrine now 
received the name of " nullification." Mr. Hayne declared the 
Intention of South Carolina to interpose her protecting power 
against the Federal government, whenever the latter should 
attempt to enforce upon her a law which she deemed unconsti- 
tutional. Daniel Webster denied the legality of nullification, 
and entered into an extended argument favoring the supremacy 
of the Federal government. The part which he took in the dis- 
cussion rendered him famous, and won for him the title of 
"Defender of the Constitution." 

JACKSON AND CALHOUN.— Soon after the inauguration of 
General Jackson, at which he expressed himself in favor of one 
term, Mr. Calhoun began to lay plans which would enable him 
to become the General's successor. He secured the support of 
the Telegraph, the administration journal, and obtained the 
friendship of three cabinet officers. These, with his publications, 
sentiments, and intentions, produced a rupture between himself 
and the President, and occasioned a reorganization of the cabi- 
net and the establishment of The Globe, a journal in the inter- 
ests of the administration. The total renovation of the cabinet 
was freely denounced by the opposition and the friends of Mr. 


after the disruption of the cabinet, Mr. Calhoun began the work 
of forming a party of his own. He canvassed the states of South 

Carolina and Georgia, endeavored to marshal the slave power 
against the administration, and proclaimed resistance to the 
tariff laws. Since nullification was the distinguishing doctrine 
which he taught, his organization can be called the Nullification 

LAND-PROCEEDS.— In 1832, an attempt was made to pass 
a law requiring that the proceeds from the sale of public lands 
be distributed among the states. It was not signed by the exec- 
utive, but a bill, providing for the distribution of Hie surplus 
revenue among the states, originated in the Senate, ami beoame 
a law. The distribution of the land-proceeds among the states 
was advocated by the National Republican and the Whig party. 

ment which originated with Wm. L. Marcy, a New York sena- 
tor, while arguing, in 1832, for the nomination of Martin Van 
Buren as minister to England. It was adopted as a maxim into 
the Democratic party, and has constituted, since its utterance, 
the code for conducting the civil service of the United States. 
The National Republicans adopted a resolution condemning it. 

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS were sanctioned by the Pres- 
ident in his approval of a bill which appropriated $1,200,000 
for the improvement of rivers, harbors, and roads ; but lie failed 
to sanction another measure of a similar nature, known as the 
"harbor bill." The system was one of the leading issues of the 
National Republican and Whig parties. It was supported, at 
first, by a large number of Democrats, but with them it gradually 
decreased in popularity. 

renewing the charter of the National Bank was vetoed by the 
President in July, 1832. 

THE TARIFF OF 1832 provided for a diminished rate per 
cent, on imports, and a considerable reduction of the revenue ; 
but being an indorsement of the protective system, it met with 
opposition from the free-traders of South Carolina, and did not 
effect the conciliation expected of it. 

ELECTION OF 1832.— The Anti-Masonic party held at Phil- 
adelphia, September, 1830, the first national political convention 
that ever assembled in the United States. According to its 
recommendation, the party met in convention at Baltimore, Sep- 
tember, 1831, and nominated William Wirt and Amos Ellmaker 
as their candidates. The National Republican party held a 
national convention in the same city, December 12, 1831. Henry 
Clay and John Sergeant were nominated by a unanimous vote. 
No platform was adopted till the following May, at a ratification 
meeting held in Washington, when resolutions were adopted 
favoring a protective tariff, internal improvements, and opposing 
the President's "removals," his abuse of power, and the doc- 
trine that "to the victors belong the spoils." The Democratic 
national convention assembled at Baltimore in May, 1832, re- 
nominated General Jackson for President, and selected Martin 
Van Buren for Vice-President. Preceding the vote for the lat- 
ter, it was resolved "that two-thirds of the whole number of the 
votes in the convention shall be necessary to constitute a choice." 
This was the origin of the famous two-thirds rule. No platform 



of principles was adopted. The Nullification candidate was 
John C. Calhoun, nominated by the legislature of South Caro- 
lina. No one was indicated for the second office, and the person 
of the candidate was deemed sufficient without a promulgation 
of principles. General Jackson was re-elected, having received 
219 electoral votes out of 316. 

ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.— In 1833 the National Anti- 
Slavery Society was formed, as a result of the great interest 
awakened on the question of slavery two years before. Many 
auxiliary societies were organized throughout the northern 
states. The subject was openly and freely discussed ; anti- 
slavery newspapers were soon established, and anti-slavery mail 
was circulated in the southern states. The opponents of slavery 
were called Abolitionists. 

NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE— Immediately after the 
tariff of 1832 was enacted, the congressmen of South Carolina 
issued an address denouncing the law, and asserting that it 
decreased duty on unprotected articles, and increased it on those 
protected. In November (1832), a convention of the people of 
South Carolina, acting under authority of the legislature, 
adopted an ordinance which declared the tariff act null and void. 
This was followed by a proclamation from the President, in 
which he pronounced against the actions of South Carolina, 
expounded the constitution according to the views of Webster, 
and expressed his determination to execute the laws of the 
United States. This famous proclamation accorded with the 
views of the people in all sections of the Union except the 
southern states. In South Carolina it was characterized as "the 
edict of a dictator." The governor urged the people to protect 
the liberty of the' state, and Congress empowered the President 
to employ the forces necessary to insure the collection of the 
Virginia at this juncture offered her mediation. 

THE TAEIFF OF 1833 was a compromise measure, brought 

forward by Mr. Clay to prevent the destruction of the tariff 
policy, to avert a civil war, and to restore peace to the country. 
It provided for a gradual reduction of duties till June, 1842, and 
put to rest the spirit of nullification. 

REMOVAL OF DEPOSITS.-The law of 1816, establishing 
the National Bunk, ordered that the public moneys should be 
deposited in the vaults, and empowered the Secretary of the 
Treasury to remove the funds when necessary, provided he 
would lay before Congress his reasons for so doing. During the 
recess of Congress, the President determined that the revenue 
collectors should cease to deposit the revenues in the Bank, and 
that the funds remaining therein should be used to meet the 
current expenses of the government till the amount should be 
exhausted. This was termed a removal of the deposits, since it 
produced that result. In September, 1833, the President directed 
the Secretary of the Treasury to issue the necessary order. On 
his refusal to do so, Roger B. Taney was appointed in his stead, 
and, complying with the direction of the President, he desig- 
nated certain banks as depositories. This act of the President 
was censured by the entire opposition and many of his political 
friends. It created great excitement throughout the country. 

STATE BANKS.-When the Bank ceased to be the place for 

depositing the public moneys', the Democrats favored the use of 
state banks as depositories ; this the Whigs opposed, and advo- 
cated the establishment of a sub-treasury. 

SUB- TREASURY .—During the agitation in Congress over the 
bank question, a plan was proposed providing that the public 

moneys be placed in the custody of certain faithful agents ap- 
pointed by the Secretary of the Treasury. The scheme was 
subsequently denominated the "sub-treasury." It was advo- 
cated by the opposition during Jackson's administration. 

THE WHIG PARTY.— The intense political excitement occa- 
sioned by the removal of the "deposits," gave rise to a recon- 
struction of parties, which resulted in the formation of the Whig 
party. It was composed of the National Republicans, the Anti- 
Masons, most of the nullifiers, and many Democrats who de- 
nounced what they deemed the high-handed measures of the 
executive. [See D.] 

LOCOFOCOS.— In 1835, in the city and county of New York, 
a portion of the Democrats organized themselves into the "Equal 
Rights" party. Having convened in Tammany Hall to over- 
slaugh the proceedings of the Democratic nominating committee, 
they presented a chairman in opposition to the one supported 
by the regular Democrats. When neither party could secure 
the election of its chairman, the committee, in the midst of the 
greatest confusion, extinguished the lights. The Equal Rights 
men immediately relighted the room with candles and locofoco 
matches, with which they had provided themselves. From this 
they received the name of Locofocos, a designation, which was, 
for a time, applied to the Democratic party by the opposition. 

ANTI-SLAVERY MAIL.— The executive, in 1835, recom- 
mended to Congress the passage of a law suppressing the circu- 
lation, by mail, of anti-slavery publications in the southern 
states. The Whigs opposed the law on the ground that it in- 
vaded the sanctity of private correspondence. 

TEXAS.— In 1836 the United States acknowledged the inde- 
pendence of Texas. Anti-slavery men opposed the measure. 

RIGHT OF PETITION.-A society of Friends, in 1836, 
petitioned Congress to remove slavery from the District of Co- 
lumbia. This was followed by excited discussion concerning 
the right of petition. Pro-slavery men argued that petitions for 
the abolition of slavery should not be received. 

SPECIE CIRCULAR — To prevent the accumulation of 
paper money in the treasury, the President issued his "specie 
circular," which required the treasurer to receive only gold and 
silver in payment for lands sold. A great revulsion in business 
followed, and an excitement second only to that occasioned by 
the removal of th( ' 

ELECTION OF 1836.— The Democratic party, in national 
convention at Baltimore, May, 1835, confirmed the two-thirds 
rule, and, without adopting a platform, nominated Martin Van 
Buren and R. M. Johnson. The Locofocos held a counter con- 
vention in 1836, and adopted a declaration of principles. [See 
D. and PL] At a Whig convention, held at Albany, New York, 
and composed of delegates from that state only, William H. 
Harrison and Francis Granger were nominated. Resolutions 
favoring Harrison and opposing Van Buren were adopted. No 
principles were asserted. The Anti-Masons, who had not iden- 
tified themselves with the Whigs, confirmed, in convention, the 
ticket selected at Albany. This nomination met with approval 
from Whig state conventions, but not without exceptions. 
Daniel Webster, H. L. White and William Smith were also 
candidates. This lack of unity weakened the efforts of the 
Whigs, and injured their chances of success. Van Buren was 
chosen by a mere popular majority. 



VAN BUREN'S POLICY.— The eighth President adopted 
the line of polk-y pursued by his predecessor. 

PANIC OF '37.— The measures adopted to dispense with the 
TJ. S. Bank and to render gold and silver the medium of exchange 
occasioned a financial panic, which reached a crisis in May, 1837. 
During this month the banks of New York suspended specie 
payment. Other banks followed their example ; commercial 
distress, depreciation of property and prostration of business 
ensued. The calamity was attributed to the policy of the Presi- 
dent. He was urged to repeal the "specie circular" and call an 

EXTRA SESSION of Congress.— This, with the clogging of 
certain business in the treasury department, occasioned by the 
suspension of banks, induced the executive to issue a procla- 
mation, calling Congress together on the 4th of September, 1837. 
The President's message contained statements which assigned 
causes for the monetary panic, not connected with his financial 
policy. Refusing to rescind "the specie circular," he recom- 
mended, as a substitute for the state banks, an independent or a 

SUB-TREASURY.— The bill for the establishment of this 
institution was opposed by the Whigs in a body, and by a por- 
tion of the Democrats who were called "conservatives." The 
measure was lost by the vote in the House. The sub-treasury 
bill was before Congress at the next regular session, when it 
met the same fate as at first ; but in 1840 it passed both 
branches of Congress and became a law. 

STATE BANK DEPOSITORIES.— The Whigs, during Jack- 
son's administration, opposed the use of state banks as deposi- 
tories for government funds, and favored a sub-treasury ; but 
when the latter scheme was recommended by Van Buren, the 
Whigs threw all their influence against it, and preferred the 
continuance of state banks as depositories to the use of a sub- 
treasury for the same purpose. This was justified by the plea, 
that the frequency of changes in government policy was more 
injurious than the "intrinsic defects of any particular plan of 
finance." The Democrats, combating the position of the Whigs 
on the subject, were involved in similar inconsistencies. They 
changed grounds on the two issues simultaneously with the 

ANNEXATION OF TEXAS— A proposition for the annexa- 
tion of Texas to the United States was brought forward in the 
Senate (1838). After some discussion the subject was laid on 
the table. The annexation was a Democratic measure. 

RIGHT OF PETITION.— The excitement over the right of 
petition, which began in Jackson's administration, was con- 
tinued through that of Van Buren. Resolutions against the 
reception of petitions adverse to slavery were introduced in 
Congress from time to time. In 1838, Mr. Atherton reported a 

series of resolutions, which closed with the provision " that 
every petition, or paper, in any way relating to slavery, as 
aforesaid, should, on presentation, without further action there- 
on, be laid on the table without being debated or referred." 
This was adopted as a rule, and met with persistent opposition. 

ABOLITION PARTY.- The measures taken to suppress 
petitions were so exacting that a strong public sentiment in the 
north was excited in favor of the opponents of slavery. This 
sentiment grew in strength, and aided the Abolitionists, till 
November, 1839, when, at Warsaw, New York, they organized 
the Abolition party. 

LIBERTY PARTY.— The organization known as the Aboli- 
tion party was perfected in 1840, and from that time was called 
the Liberty party. It made inroads upon both Democrats and 

ELECTION OF 1840.— In November, 1839, when the Aboli- 
tionists organized theii party, they nominated Jamea Or. Birney 
and Francis J. Lemoyne. These gentlemen declined the candi- 
dature; but the organization, the following year, under the 
name of Liberty party, nominated James G. Birney and Thomas 
Earle. The Whig national convention, at Harrisburg, Dec. 4, 
1839, nominated William H. Harrison and John Tyler. No 
platform was adopted. These selections were hailed with satis- 
faction. At Baltimore, on the flth of May, 1840, the Democratic 
national convention unanimously nominated Mr. Van Buren for 
President, and left to the states the nomination of a Vice-Presi- 
dent. They adopted a platform which set forth their principles 
in plain terms. [See Diagram.] The canvass was unusually 
interesting. The object of the Whigs was the defeat of Van 
Buren and the overthrow of his policy. They had no platform 
to support, and made no attempts to defend accusations against 
their candidates; hence their line of action was on the offensive. 
They brought all their forces to bear against the President's 
financial policy, the adoption of the sub-treasury scheme, the 
suspension of internal improvements, the extravagant expendi- 
tures of the Seminole war, and the re-election of a President for 
a second term. General Harrison's military reputation won for 
him what the same possession won for General Jackson. Van 
Buren's administration was held responsible for the unfortunate 
condition of the country, and but little enthusiasm could be 
aroused in his behalf. General Harrison was elected by a large 
majority, having received 234 electoral votes to 60 cast for Mr. 
Van Buren. This canvass was known as the "Log Cabin and 
Hard Cider campaign." 

DIVORCE OF BANK AND STATE.— The prominent charac- 
teristic of this administration is termed "the completion of the 
divorce of bank and state" — a policy which existed just long 
enough to prostrate the party which brought it into being. 



WHIG PARTY IN POWER.— At the inauguration of Gen- 
eral Harrison, the Whigs obtained control of the government. 
His address upon that occasion contained sentiments adverse to 
executive interference with Congress, to a currency exclusively 
metallic, to the dependence of the treasury upon the executive 
department, and to anti-slavery societies in the free states. 

THE DEATH OP HARRISON occurred on the 4th of April, 

TYLER'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS sanctioned General Har- 
rison's calling of an extra session of Congress, and "announced 
the determination of the executive to carry out the will of the 
people ill Hie election of his predecessor." 

A LIMITED VETO power was advocated by General Harri- 
son in his inaugural address, and became one of the issues of 
this party. Especial emphasis was placed upon it by the Whigs 
after the break with Mr. Tyler. 

SUR-TREASURY.— A bill for the repeal of the sub-treasury 
passed Congress by a large vote in its favor, and became a law 

before dime u I ties •!] ri'ed bet ween I he 1 'resident and the Whigs. 

II prohibited any officer having charge of public revenue from 
investing the fund, or devoting it to his own use. 

A NATIONAL RANK.— The called session of Congress con- 
vened on the 31st of May, 1841. To that body Mr. Tyler sub- 
mitted a formal message, setting forth the necessity of enacting 
measures which would afford speedy relief to the embarrassed 
condition of the treasury. He took no definite position on the 
subject of a bank, but announced his intention of concurring 
with the wish of Congress on the question, and expressed the 
hope that some suitable fiscal agency would be devised. In 
compliance with the desire of Mr. Tyler, the Secretary of the 
Treasury submitted to Congress a plan of a bank, which speci- 
fied that the institution should be called "The Fiscal Bank of 
the United States." A bill, according with this plan, passed 
Congress, and was transmitted to the President, who returned it 
with a veto message. This was surprising, and, under the cir- 
cumstances, inexplicable, to the Whigs. Having learned from a 
deputation what kind of measure (he executive would approve 
(as was understood), Congress framed and passed a bill which 
was deemed in harmony with his views ; but it was vetoed (Sept. 
9) six days after it passed the Senate. 


WHIGS.— When this bill was vetoed, all the members of Tyler's 
cabinet resigned, except Mr. Webster. At the close of the ses- 
sion seventy Whigs signed a manifesto, declaring that, "from 
that day forth all political connection between them and John 
Tyler was at an end." 

THE NATIVE AMERICAN PARTY was organized in 1843, 
and operated principally in large cities. The organization was 
occasioned by the great inflow of foreigners to the city of New 
York, and had for its leading objects opposition to Catholicism 
and the election to office of men born in a foreign country. Its 
adherents were generally called " Natives." 

HUNKERS AND BARNBURNERS.-In 1843, the Democrats 
in the legislature of New York divided on minor questions, one 
faction receiving the name of "liberals." The breach thus 
beginning began to widen till alienation between the factions 
became complete. Several years passed before a name was given 
to each division. In Polk's administration, the "liberals" were 
called "Barnburners," and the other wing "Hunkers." 

ELECTION OF 1844.— In August, 1843, the Liberty party met 
in national convention at Buffalo, New York, and designated 
James G. Birney and Thomas Morris as their candidates. A 
platform containing twenty-five resolutions was adopted. [See 
D. and PI.] The Whig party assembled at Baltimore, in 
national convention, May 1, 1844. Henry Clay and Theodore 
Freliughuj sen were nominated. The ticket was received with 
enthusiasm and great expectations of success. A brief platform 
was adopted. [See D. and PI.] The national convention of the 
Democratic party, held at Baltimore May 27, 1844, nominated 
James K. Polk and Silas Wright. The latter declined the 
nomination, and George M. Dallas was subsequently selected. 
The platform of 1810 was reaffirmed, to which three additional 
resolutions were appended. [See D. and PL] Mr. Tyler was 
nominated by a convention of office-holders ; but finding that 
the movement did not meet with popular support, he withdrew 
in favor of Mr. Polk. Mr. Polk united the Democratic party, 
so that it presented a strong front to its opponents, among whom 
there was a lack of harmony. Many Whigs at the north were 
hostile to the annexation of Texas and the system of slavery, 
while their ultra members at the south were in favor of both. 
From the former the Liberty ticket received considerable sup- 
port, and from the latter the Democratic candidates received a 
large vote. The campaign closed, to the great disappointment 
of the Whigs, with the election of Messrs. Polk and Dallas. 
These received 170 electoral votes ; the Whigs, 105. 

ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.— Mr. Tyler, in a message (De- 
cember, 1843), announced his desire of effecting a peaceable 
union between Texas and the United States. The measure was 
advocated by the Democrats and opposed by the Whigs ; though 
some anti-slavery men of the former and a few pro-slavery men 
of the latter, did not, on this question, vote with their party. 
The bill providing for the annexation was signed by the execu- 
tive on the last day of his official life. 



POLK'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS expressed views conso- 
nant with the platform of his parly. He called especial attention 
to the 

ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.— The resolutions passed at the 
close of Tyler's administration provided that the people of Texas 
should ratify the action of Congress before their state could be- 
come a member of the Union. When news of this action reached 
Mexico, the government of that country directed that diplomatic 
relations with the United States should cease, and offered to 
acknowledge the independence of Texas if the state would main- 
tain a separate existence. The Congress of Texas convened on 
the 16th of June, 1845, and their President laid before them the 
resolutions of the United States Congress and the proposal of 
Mexico. The Texan legislators accepted the offer of annexation, 
and on the 4th of the following July, their action being ratified 
by a convention of the people, Texas was added to the terri- 
tory of the Uuion, and became a state on the 27th of the next 

MEXICAN WAR.— The President, in a special message, an- 
nounced that war existed by the act of Mexico, appealed to Con- 
gress to recognize the same, and asked that money, be placed at 
his disposal to carry on the war. This placed in an unpleasant 
position the congressmen who had opposed annexation ; but 
sectional pride induced a majority of them to support the ad- 
ministration, though some would not indorse the declaration 
that the war existed "by the act of the republic of Mexico." 

WILMOT PROVISO.— While hostilities were pending, Mr. 
Polk (August 4th, 1846,) asked for an appropriation which would 
enable him to negotiate a peace and purchase a section of Mexi- 
can territory, provided he should find such accession expedient 
or desirable. Accordingly, a bill, appropriating $2,000,000 for 
the purposes designated, was brought forward in the House of 
Representatives and put on its passage. At this stage, on mo- 
tion of David Wilmot, a proviso was annexed to the bill, which 
prohibited slavery in the territory which should be acquired. 
This provision, after the name of its originator, was called the 
Wilmot proviso. It failed to become a law, though it was 
favored by the Whigs, and by a number of the dominant party, 
who were called Wilmot-proviso Democrats. 

THE SUB-TREASURY act, which had been repealed by 
the Whigs, was re-enacted during the first session of the 29th 
Congress. This vote established the sub-treasury as a perma- 
nent institution of the country, and closed agitation on the 

TARIFF.— In 1846, after repealing the tariff of 1842, a law 
was enacted providing for a tariff for the purpose of revenue 
only. The Democratic party rejected the principles of protec- 
tion in their legislation on this subject. 

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS.— President Polk withheld 
his signature from two bills, making appropriations for internal 
improvements. The public mind and a majority of Congress 
did not agree with the executive on the subject. The views of 
the former were expressed in conventions, and those of the lat- 
ter by resolutions favoring the system. 

OREGON.— Party lines on the Oregon question were drawn 
on the subject of the northern boundary. Members of the Lib- 
erty party advocated 54° 40' as the dividing line, and asked the 
advocates of the annexation of Texas to favor this boundary 
with the same zeal they had manifested in their support of the 
Rio Grande as the southern limit of Texas. The administration 

party thought difficulty with England could be avoided by con- 
senting to the 49th parallel as our northern boundary. 

LIBERTY LEAGUE.— The members of the Liberty party 
did not always act in harmony. In 1845, a state convention of 
men belonging to the Liberty party was held at Port Byron, 
New York. An address was printed, though not adopted, con- 
taining sentiments which met with the approval of many of the 
Liberty party. These men, in 1847, held a convention at Mace- 
don, New York, nominated a Presidential ticket, consisting of 
Gerrit Smith and Elihu Burritt, separated entirely from their 
party, and took the name of Liberty League. They maintained 
that slavery was unconstitutional, and had for their watchword, 
" Duty is ours, results are God's." 

ber, 1847, the Liberty party, in national convention, at Buffalo, 
put in nomination John P. Hale and Leicester King. The Lib- 
erty League and dissatisfied members of the Liberty party met 
at Auburn, New York, January, 1848, renominated Gerrit 
Smith, and, Mr. Burritt having declined, selected C. C. Foote 
(Mich.), as candidate for Vice-President. The extreme views 
held by the League prevented it from developing popular 
strength. The Democratic convention was held at Baltimore, 
May 22, 1848. Two delegations appeared from New York, the 
Hunkers (for Dickinson) and the Barnburners (for Van Bnren). 
After an exciting debate, both factions were admitted, with 
power to cast jointly the vote of the state. The decision being 
unsatisfactory, the former refused to participate in the proceed- 
ings, and the latter withdrew under protest. Generals Lewis 
Cass (Mich.) and William O. Butler (Ky.) were nominated. 
This selection became acceptable to the Hunkers, who, during 
the year, were merged into the regular Democratic ranks. The 
convention adopted a platform containing twenty-three resolu- 
tions, seven of which were taken from the platform of 1844. 
[See D. and PI.] The Whig national convention, at Philadel- 
phia, June 7, 1848, nominated General Zaehary Taylor (La.) and 
Millard Fillmore (N. Y.) Owing to conflicting opinions on the 
slavery question no platform was adopted, but on the 9th of 
June, at a ratification meeting in the same city, seven resolu- 
tions were agreed upon, all commendatory of General Taylor. 
The subject of slavery was not mentioned. 

FREE-SOIL PARTY.— When the Barnburners retired from 
the convention at Baltimore, they issued a call for a state con- 
vention, to be held at Utica. The delegates, on the 22d of June, 
nominated Martin Van Buren (N. Y.) and Henry Dodge (Wis.), 
and called upon the opponents of slave extension to meet in 
national convention at Buffalo on the 9th of August. At the 
appointed time, delegates convened from a few of the slave 
states and from most all the free states. The Liberty party 
withdrew its own candidates and joined in the proceedings. A 
new party was organized which received the title of "Free- 
Soil," a name taken from a resolution in the platform of princi- 
ples. Martin Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams were 
chosen as candidates, General Dodge having resigned. [See D. 
and PL] 

THE CANVASS OF 1848 showed that the Democrats and 
Whigs were not entirely satisfied with the position of their can- 
didates on the slavery question. Cass was distrusted by the 
former, and Taylor by the latter. The Whig candidates were 
elected, having received 163 votes, against 127 cast for Cass and 



TAYLOR'S POLICY.-The President decided to conduct bis 
administration free from the influence of pro-slavery advocates, 
and appealed for support to certain statesmen wlio accorded 
with his views on the extension of slavery. Senator Seward 
responded, and became the executive's confidential counselor. 

cember, 1849, Congress began legislation for I lin establishment 
of government over the territory acquired from Mexico. The 
subject of slavery rendered the task a difficult one. When 
several plans had been submitted without success, Mr. Clay 
(Jan. 10, 1850,) introduced eight resolutions as compromises for 
adjusting the entire controversy on slavery. They met with 
opposition from pro-slavery members, on the ground that they 
did not secure sufficient advantage to the south. 

OMNIBUS BILL.— The debate on the resolutions continued 
four months, when (April 17th) a select committee of the Senate, 
headed by Mr. Clay, reported a bill, consisting of thirty-nine 
sections, and reproducing most of the resolutions which had 
been discussed. This was a consolidation of all past "compro- 
mises on the question of slavery," and, owing to the variety of 
topics embraced, was called the Omnibus bill. This was debated 
and amended in the Senate till the last day of July, when it 
passed, having been pruned till it provided only for the territo- 
rial government of Utah. In this condition it was sent to the 
House. The Omnibus bill, as a whole, was rejected, but its 
main heads were passed in August, as separate bills, and were 
designated the 

COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850.— These consisted of 
bills providing (1) for the organization of Utah and New Mexico 
into territories without reference to slavery ; (2) for the admis- 
sion of California as a free state ; (3) for the payment to Texas 
of $10,000,000 for her claim to New Mexico ; (4) for the return of 
persons escaping from the service of their masters ; and (5) for 
abolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia. The 
compromises were received by the leaders of the two great 
parties as a final settlement of the vexed questions which 
troubled Congress and agitated the country, but the storm was 
only temporarily allayed. 

more was inaugurated on the 10th of July, 1850. He departed 
from the policy of his deceased predecessor, organized a new 
cabinet, used his influence in favor of the compromise measures, 
did not comply with the Whig platform of his state, acted in 
opposition to his own political antecedents, and wished, it is 
thought, to form a compromise party, of which he should be 
the head. Though not harmonizing with the Whig party, he 
did not go so far as to enter the Democratic ranks. 

SILVER GRAY PARTY.- In September, 1850, the Whig 
state convention of New York met at Syracuse, with Francis 
Granger as chairman. When resolutions were under considera- 
tion, Mr. Cornwell moved that the convention adopt a series of 
resolutions prepared by himself, instead of those reported by the 
committee. One of his resolutions declared that W. H. Seward 
deserved the thanks of the convention for the fidelity with 
which he had sustained, in the Senate, the liberal and long 
cherished principles of the Whig party. Upon this, Mr. Duer, 
a member of Congress, and a follower of the President, declared 

that if the resolutions of Mr. Cornwell were adopted, the Whig 
party of New York, from that moment, would be broken up, 
and that the future would determine where he and his friends 
would go. Mr. Cornwell' s resolutions were adopted. The dele- 
gates who opposed them, among whom was the chairman, then 
withdrew and convened in another building, where they called 
a convention of the President's friends, to meet at Utica on the 
17th of October. The delegates met pursuant to the call, sepa- 
rated from the Whigs, organized a party, and adopted for it the 
title of "Silver Gray." The party approved the compromise 
measures and the policy of the President, and assumed the 
responsibility of preserving the Union. This is the party, it is 
thought, which Mr. Fillmore wished to form when he ceased to 
act with the Whigs. 

THE AMERICAN PARTY was organized in 1852, with the 
professed object of purifying the ballot box, excluding from 
office those of foreign birth, and opposing the efforts to reject 
the Bible from the public schools. It operated secretly and 
with astonishing success. Its members were sworn to support 
the candidates put in nomination by the order. At first it 
selected candidates from all political parties. The organization 
was generally called the Know-Nothing party, because, when 
questioned concerning their order, the members answered that 
they knew nothing. 

ELECTION OF 1852— The Democratic national convention, 
at Baltimore, June 1, 1852, nominated Franklin Pierce (N. H.) 
and Wm. R. King (Ala.). These candidates were pledged to 
support the compromises of 1850. The platform contained 
twenty resolutions. 

In the same city, on the 16th of June, the national conven- 
tion of Whigs nominated General Winfield Scott (Va.) and 
Wm. A. Graham (N. C.) The platform adopted consisted of 
eight resolutions. The two leading conventions took the same 
position on the subject of slavery. 

The Free Soil party, at Pittsburg, August 11th, 1852, in na- 
tional convention, nominated John P. Hale (N. H.) and George 
W. Julian (Ind.). This party did not expect to secure any elec- 
toral votes, but acted in the hope that its principles, in time, 
might enter the other parties, and sever the connection between 
the government and slavery. The platform contained twenty- 
two resolutions. [See D. and PI.] 

The Democrats were a unit upon their platform ; most of 
them who had supported Van Buren in 1848, returned to the 
old party, and voted for Mr. Pierce. 

The Whigs could not conduct a vigorous canvass, owing to 
the indifference with which their platform was supported. At 
the election they were completely routed. Mr. Pierce received 
254 electoral votes out of the 296 cast in the college of that year. 

vass of 1S52, the Whigs avoided making the question of slavery 
a political issue. The compromises contained the Fugitive Slave 
bill, and other features which were offensive to the mass of 
northern Whigs, and when their platform sanctioned the meas- 
ures, the party divided against itself, and, without power for 
good or evil, became as dead "for all the purposes of a political 
campaign." After the election, the members of the party began 
to look elsewhere for political affiliation, and, in time, entered 
such organizations as met their approval. 



PIERCE'S POLITICAL FAITH.— Mr. Pierce stated that he 
believed involuntary servitude was recognized by the constitu- 
tion, and that the compromise measures should be carried into 

KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL.— In January, 1854, Senator 
Douglas, of Illinois, reported a bill to organize the territory of 
Nebraska, afterwards divided into Kansas and Nebraska, with a 
provision for the abrogation of the Missouri Compromise. The 
citizens of the territories, if they wished slavery, could "vote it 
up;" if not, they could "vote it down." The bill was advo- 
cated by the Democratic party, which, being, in the ascendency 
in both Houses, carried the measure without difficulty. The 
Free-Soil party and the Anti-Slavery Whigs contested the move- 
ment at every step. Since 1820, from all the Louisiana Pur- 
chase north of latitude 36° 30', slavery had been excluded by 
the Missouri Compromise ; now that vast region was devoted to 
slavery, if the citizens should so elect. The bill opened the 
whole slavery question anew, and produced a general and strong 

TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE.— As soon as Kansas was 

organized, strenuous endeavors were made by pro-slavery parti- 
sans to people the territory in the interest of slavery, while vig- 
orous efforts were put forth in the northern states to colonize the 
territory with citizens who would vote for a free state. The 
election for a delegate to Congress came off on the 29th of No- 
vember, 1854. Armed persons from Missouri entered the terri- 
tory, and, voting for their favorite candidate, procured his 
election. On the 30th of March, 1855, occurred the election for 
members of the first legislature. Between four and five thou- 
sand armed Missourians invaded the territory and controlled 
the election. Owing to fraudulent voting, Governor Reeder 
called for another election in six of the districts. The Missou- 
rians now appeared and voted in one precinct — in the others, 
the citizens enjoyed their political rights. When the legislature 
assembled at Pawnee (July 2d, 1855j, the seats of the members 
chosen at the second election were contested, except those from 
the precinct in which the Missourians voted. Subsequently 
every contested member was rejected, the certificates of the gov- 
ernor being disregarded. The legislature thus organized removed 
the seat of government to the Shawnee Mission, and began the 
work of enacting laws. Governor Reeder, thinking that the ad- 
ministration would support him, refused to recognize this legis- 

TOPEKA CONSTITUTION.— At a meeting of the inhabit- 
ants of Kansas (August 15th, 1855), resolutions were adopted 
which resulted in an election of members of a convention to form 
a state constitution. The delegates assembled atTopeka (Octo- 
ber 25th, 1855), and prepared a free-state constitution, which was 
ratified by the people in the following December. The election 
for state officers under this constitution was held January 15th, 
1856. The state legislature, chosen at this election, met on the 
4th of March, and after organizing, adjourned till the 4th of 
July. There were now in Kansas two legislatures — one favoring 
and the other opposing slavery. 

KANSAS WAR.— Civil war in Kansas, between pro-slavery 
and free-state men. continued during Pierce's administration. 

LEGISLATION FOR KANSAS.-In January, 1S56, the Presi- 
dent sent a message to Congress, indorsing the territorial legis- 
lature, and "representing the formation of the Free-State gov 
eminent as an act of rebellion." The Senate committee on 
territories presented a majority report supporting this legisla- 
ture ; a minority report took antagonistic grounds. A select 
committee was appointed to visit Kansas and investigate (lie 
alleged frauds. The committee accomplished its work, and 
made a majority report, declaring that the territorial legislature 
was an illegally constituted body, and that theTopeka constitu- 
tion embodied the will of a majority of the people. A bill to 
admit Kansas as a free state under this constitution was passed 
in the House, but failed in the Senate. 

ANTI-NEBRASKA.— The repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
produced a simultaneous uprising of I lie people of the five smies 
in opposition to the measure, and under the common designation 
of "Anti-Nebraska," "Fusion" and "People's party" were 
other names of this temporary combination. It was composed 
of dissatisfied Whigs, Democrats, Free-Soilers, and members of 

REPUBLICAN PARTY.-The proposed repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise (1854) was regarded as an assault upon free- 
dom, and produced earnest discussion from the pulpit, the 
platform, and the press. Large numbers of Anti-Slavery men, 
belonging to the different parties, soon decided that their success 
could be secured only "through the formation of a new party 
which could act without the embarrassment of a pro-slavery 
wing." The first movement towards the organization of such a 
party was during the early months of 1854, in Wisconsin, at 
Ripon, Fond du Lac county. At the call of Mr. A. E. Bovey, 
a meeting was held on the last of February, which adopted the 
resolution that if the Kansas-Nebraska bill should pass, they 
would "throw old party organizations to the winds, and organize 
a new party on the sole issue of the non-extension of slavery." 
On the 20th of March another meeting was held, at which Mr. 
Bovey expressed the thought that the party would probably 
take the name of "Republican." The organization of this party 
was perfected for the state, by a convention held the following 
July. The Detroit Tribune "took ground in favor of disband- 
ing the Whig and Free-Soil parties, and of the organization of a 
new party, composed of all the opponents of slavery extension." 
This was followed, in Michigan, by a mass convention, which 
met on the 6th of July, adopted a platform opposing the exten- 
sion of slavery, and assumed for the new party the name of 
"Republican." This action preceded the organization of the 
party in other portions of the country. During the year 1854, 
in those states whose elections furnished opportunity, the new 
party was organized, or a fusion ticket was supported by Anti- 
Nebraska partisans. In several states the Republican party 
was not organized till 1855. From a small beginning it increased 
rapidly in numbers, and, meeting with encouraging success at 
state elections, it gradually drew into its fold all those who 
opposed the extension of slavery into the territories. Thus, by 
the fusion of Free-Soilers, Whigs, Anti-Nebraska Democrats, 
and Anti-Slavery Americans, was organized the Republican 


ELECTION OF 1856.— The Americans, in 1856, considering 
themselves sufficiently strong to run candidates of their own, 
met in convention at Philadelphia, February 22d, selected as 
candidates Millard Fillmore (N. Y.) and Andrew J. Donelson 
(Tenn.), and adopted a platform of sixteen resolutions. The 
minority, having rejected the platform, seceded, and calling 
themselves North Americans, held a national convention at 
New York City, June 12th, 1856, and nominated N. P. Banks 
(Mass.) and W. F. Johnson (Penn.) These gentlemen declining, 
the North Americans determined to unite with the Republicans 
in supporting Fremont and Dayton. At Cincinnati, June 2d, 
1856, the Democratic party nominated James Buchanan (Penn.) 
and John C. Breckinridge (Ky.). The Republican nominating 
convention was held at Philadelphia, June 17th, 1856. John C. 

Fremont (Cal.) and William L. Dayton (N. J.) were unanimously 
chosen as candidates. A declaration of principles, containing 
eight resolutions, was adopted. The Silver Grays, and other 
Whigs who had not associated themselves with the influential 
parties, met in national convention at Bal timore, September 17th, 
1856, indorsed the American ticket, and in a platform of eight 
resolutions, gave their reasons for supporting Mr. Fillmore. 
Thus was completed the disintegration of the "Whig party. Its 
pro-slavery members had joined the Democrats ; its opponents 
of slavery, the Republicans; and now its remnants, opposing 
geographical parlies, were absorbed by the Americans. The 
contest lay between Buchanan, Fremont, and Fillmore. Mr. 
Buchanan was elected, but he lacked 377,629 votes of obtaining 
a popular majority over his opponents. 


THE DRED SCOTT DECISION was made two days after 
the inauguration of Mr. Buchanan. The case was originally 
one of assault and battery. Dred Scott, a Missouri slave, was 
taken by his master to Illinois in 1834, then to Minnesota ter- 
ritory in 1838, and thence back to Missouri. Here, having been 
whipped for some offense, he sued for damages, claiming that 
he obtained his freedom by residing upon free soil, and, there- 
fore, being a citizen, he had a right to sue in court. The Circuit 
Court decided in his favor. The Supreme Court of the State 
having reversed the decision, the case was taken to the Supreme 
Court of the United States, where Chief Justice Taney decided 
that slaves, or the descendants of those who had been sold into 
slavery, had no right to sue in a court of the United States ; that 
the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional ; and that be- 
cause slaves were property, Congress had no right to prohibit 
the carrying of them into any state or territory. This decision 
startled the free states, and was not satisfactory to many 
northern Democrats. 

THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION was formed for Kansas, 
Sept. 4th, 1857, by a pro-slavery convention, which had been 
authorized by the territorial legislature. It was submitted to 
the people, who were to vote " Constitution with Slavery," or, 
" Constitution witluyut Slavery." The Free- State men, by this 
regulation, not being allowed to vote against the constitution, 
refused to take part in the election. The constitution with 
slavery was adopted. At a new election (Jan. 4th, 1858) 
ordered by the territorial legislature, the instrument was rejected 
by a vote of 10,000. This election was regarded as illegal by 
those who favored the constitution, and the question was sub- 
mitted to Congress by the President. Legislation upon the 
subject resulted in the 

ENGLISH BILL, which submitted the Lecompton Consti- 
tution to the people of Kansas, with the promise that large 
grants of lands would be given the state if the constitution were 
adopted. The bill became a law, but the constitution was 
rejected by a majority of 9,513 (August, 1858). 

WYANDOT CONSTITUTION.— In 1859, the territorial legis- 
lature called an election for delegates to meet and form a consti- 

tution. They assembled in convention at Wyandot, in July, 
and prepared a constitution prohibiting slavery. When sub- 
mitted to the people, it was adopted by a majority of 4,000. 
Under this constitution Kansas was admitted in 1861. 

JOHN BROWN'S RAID was an unsuccessful attempt (1859) 
made at Harper' s Ferry, Va., to incite the slaves to insurrection, 
with a view to their liberation. It created wild alarm in the 
south, and brought on bitter discussion between the friends and 
opponents of slavery. 

party, owing to the unpopularity of the principles upon which 
it was founded, went out of existence in Buchanan's administra- 
tion. Its successor, the Constitutional Union party, was organ- 
ized in 1860. It failed to develop much strength, and was 
more influential in the southern than in the northern states. 

ELECTION OF I860.— The convention of the Constitutional 
Unionists met at Baltimore on the 9th of May, and nominated 
John Bell (Tenn.) and Edward Everett (Mass.). Their platform 
contained but one resolution. [See Platforms.] 

The Repirblican national convention assembled at Chicago, 
on the 16th of May, and nominated Abraham Lincoln (111.), and 
Hannibal Hamlin (Me.). The platform, consisting of seventeen 
resolutions, was adopted with great enthusiasm. [See D. 
and PI.] 

The Democratic national convention met on the 23d of April, 
in the city of Charleston, every state being represented. The 
committee on resolutions presented a majority and two minority 
reports. After an exciting debate, the principal minority report 
was adopted. This imposed upon the party a platform which 
caused the delegations from Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, 
Texas, and portions from Louisiana, South Carolina, Arkansas, 
and North Carolina, to retire from the convention. Balloting 
then began, but lifty-seven having been cast without select- 
ing a candidate, the convention adjourned, to meet in Balti- 
more on the 18th of June. Those who had withdrawn decided 
to meet in Richmond on the 11th of June. On reassembling at 
Baltimore, it was found that from several states there were con- 
testing delegations. The subject was referred to the committee 



on credentials, which made three reports. The convention 
having adopted the majority report, the entire delegations of 
Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, California, and Delaware, 
and parts of Maryland, Kentucky, and Massachusetts, with- 
drew. Stephen A. Douglas (111.) and Herschel V. Johnson 
(Ga.) were then nominated. The Democratic platform of 1856 
was adopted, with seven explanatory resolutions. [See D. and 
PL] The delegates who had withdrawn met at the Maryland 
Institute (June 28), and nominated John C. Breckinridge 
(Ky.) and Joseph Lane (Or.). The Democratic platform of 
1856 was reaffirmed, with six explanatory resolutions. [See 
D. and PI.] The convention which assembled at Richmond 
adopted this ticket and platform. The Democratic party was 
now dismembered. A heated canvass followed these nomina- 
tions. Mr. Lincoln was elected, though he lacked nearly a 
million votes of receiving a popular majority. 

SECESSION.— When the election of Lincoln was ascertained, 
the South Carolina legislature called a convention to consider 
the necessity of immediate secession, and southern members 

began to resign their seats in Congress. The President denied 
the right of a state to secede, but did not believe the govern- 
ment had the constitutional power to prevent it. South Carolina 
seceded Dec. 20, 1860. The next month, Mississippi, Florida, 
Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana passed ordinances of seces- 
sion. Texas withdrew on the first of February. Three days 
afterwards (Feb. 4), delegates from these states met at Mont- 
gomery, Alabama, and organized the Confederate States of 
America. When a state withdrew, it seized the forts, arsenals, 
and other Federal property within its limits. Several attempts 
at conciliation were made in Congress, but certain members 
declared that "the day for compromises had passed." The 
long contest for the balance of power between " Slavery Exten- 
sion" and " Slavery Restriction" was now culminating in war. 
The supremacy of the south was lost. " Disunion was the only 
remedy, and this could be obtained only through war." 
Political distinctions were in a measure obliterated, and this 
administration closed, not on contentions between the Repub- 
lican and Democratic parties, but on a conflict between Union 


INAUGURATION.— Notwithstanding the secession of some 
of the southern states and the apprehensions of a violent resist- 
ance to the inauguration, the ceremony was brilliant and impres- 
sive. In his inaugural address, the President declared that "no 
state, on its own mere motion, could lawfully leave the Union ; " 
and that he should "take care that the laws were faithfully ex- 
ecuted in all the states." He also assured the south that he 
had no purpose to meddle with their domestic affairs. 

PARTY ADJUSTMENTS.— The Constitutional Union party 
dissolved soon after the election of Lincoln. Some of its mem- 
bers entered the Democratic party, others the Republican ; but 
a large portion of them became Confederates. The Breckinridge 
Democrats of the south entered the confederacy; those of the 
north joined the Douglas wing. Some from each division of 
the party became Republicans. 

THE WAR.— The first gun of the civil war was fired at Fort 
Sumter, on the morning of April 12th, 1861, from a battery in 
Charleston harbor. On the 15th of April, the President called 
for 75,000 volunteers, and the civil war began on both sides. 

The free states were warmly for the war and the repression 
of secession by force. The slave states, except the "border 
states," were as earnestly for secession. The border states were 
divided, the Union feeling predominating, except in Virginia, 
and preventing secession. But in them disunionists were strong, 
and sent representatives to the Confederate Congress, and a large 
force of volunteers to aid the south. The Republicans in all the 
states formed the distinctive " war party." The Democrats 
generally gave support to the war, but some denounced it. 
There was frequent Democratic opposition to war measures in 
Congress and the state legislatures, and occasional violent 
demonstrations against it among disaffected people. 

OPPOSITION TO THE WAR.— Organized and individual 
efforts to encourage desertion from the army, and to protect 
deserters from arrest, were frequent in the west; and the 

" Knights of the Golden Circle," reconstructed into the "Sonsof 
Liberty," formed conspiracies for the release and arming of 
confederate prisoners for raids in the loyal states. 

The worst opposition was excited by the attempts to execute 
the draft law. In the city of New York, in 1863, a large mob, 
mainly of foreign-born citizens, attacked the draft ollhv, burned 
a colored orphan asylum, murdered several citizens, and set the 
authorities at defiance for three days. The riot was suppressed 
by troops. 

The Habeas Corpus writ was suspended during the war, to 
give efficiency to the action of the government in suppressing 
disloyal conduct. 

CURRENCY AND FINANCES.— A loan of $250,000,000 was 
authorized by Congress in the summer of 1861 ; of this, 
$50,000,000, subsequently increased to $60,000,000, was to be 
used as currency. On the 25th of February, 1862, an act author- 
ized the issue of $150,000,000 of legal-tender notes, since known 
as "greenbacks." Other issues were made afterwards. The 
first treasury notes were made receivable for duties, and thus 
soon taken out of circulation, leaving the "greenbacks" 
the only money in the country, until the national banks were 
authorized in 1864; and their bills, the "greenbacks" and the 
fractional currency remained for fifteen years the sole currency 
of the country. The opposition to the establishment of the new 
currency came from the Democrats, and was based mainly on 
the lack of constitutional power in Congress to make the "green- 
backs" a legal-tender. The various loans authorized by Con- 
gress were represented by bonds, bearing five and six per cent, 
interest ; and by 7-30 treasury notes convertible info six per cent, 
bonds. These constitute the national debt, and the basis of 
the national bank system. The notes of the banks are supplied 
by the government, and are secured by a deposit of national 
bonds. In the Democratic party, a strong feeling in favor of 
taxing national bonds was manifested, but the terms of the loan 
exempted them from taxation. 


<'(>:.:-i'i;< ti .-■ .ii' rill'. HISTORY OF 


condition of business required a revision of the tariff early in 
1861, and the duties were made specific instead of ad valorem. 
In the session of 1863-64 an act was passed, creating a system of 
" Internal Revenue" to supply the necessities of the treasnry. 
It excited a great deal of ill will and opposition among the peo- 
ple, to whom a government tax was a new exaction. 

EMANCIPATION.— On the 22d of September, 1862, Mr. Lin- 
coln issued his lirst emancipation proclamation, liberating the 
slaves of all secessionists who failed to return to their allegiance 
by tin- closeort.he year. On the 1st, of January, 1863, Mr. Lincoln 
performed lie' great act of his life, the issuing of his proclama- 
tion of emancipation for all the slaves in the country. The 
measure was quile unanimously supported by the Republicans, 
but more or less censured by the Democrats. 

NEGRO SOLDIERS.— On July 17th, 1862, an act was passed 
by Congress authorizing the enlistment of colored troops. It 
was opposed by the Democrats. 

FREEDMEN'S BUREAU.— At the session of 1864-65, Con- 
gress passed an act creating the Freedmen's Bureau for the pro- 
tection of freedmen and fugitives, who came north nearly always 
destitute and helpless. It was strongly opposed by the Demo- 
crats and a few Republicans. 

RECONSTRUCTION.— At the meeting of Congress in 1863, 
the President presented a plan for readmitting the seceded 
states to the Union, the substance of which was that the Confed- 
erates, on faking an oath which he prescribed, should be restored 
to all their rights except to slaves ; and that when one-tenth of 
the number voting at the election of 1860 should have taken the 
oath, and established a state government, it should be recog- 
nized by the general government. There was a great deal of 
opposition to the project among Republicans, and a very differ- 
ent measure was passed by both Houses in Jul} 7 , 1864, but the 
President withheld his signature, and the bill failed to become 
a, law. 

RE-ELECTION IN 1864.— At the Republican national con- 
vention, Baltimore, June 7th, Abraham Lincoln (111.) and 
Andrew Johnson (Tenn.) were nominated. [See D. and PI.] 
On the 29th of August, the Democrats nominated George B. 
McClellan (N. J.) and George H. Pendleton (0.). [See D. and 
PI.] The contest was carried on upon issues connected with the 
war and the relations of parties to it. Mr. Lincoln was elected 
by 212 electoral votes, to 21 for McClellan. 

ASSASSINATION OF MR. LINCOLN.— On the night of the 
15th of April, 1865, Mr. Lincoln was shot in a private box at 
Ford's Theatre, Washington City, by John Wilkes Booth, an 
actor. Mr. Lincoln died the next morning, and was succeeded 
by the Vice-President. 


JOHNSON'S ACCESSION.— On his accession to the presi- 
dency, President Johnson expressed himself strongly in favor 
of the punishment of those who had seceded. " The American 
people must be taught to know that treason is a crime," he said, 
and his " past course must be the guaranty of his future con- 
duct." It was generally believed that his administration would 
be severe on the confederate states. His views appear to have 
been niodilied soon afterward. 

RECONSTRUCTION.— The President's opinion of the con- 
dition of the seceded states was, that they had never left the 
Union, and could not, though they had broken their relations 
with it. All that was necessary to rehabilitate, or "recon- 
struct," them, as it was called, was the recognition of the 
national government. The Republicans in Congress, and 
throughout the country, dissented from the President's views, 
and thought the confederate states should be held in a territorial 
condition till Congress was satisfied that the rights of the freed- 
men were safe. The Democrats supported the President. At 
first, the provisional government and the general tenor of the 
President's policy were favored by the Republicans; but a 
decided difference was developed within the year, and the 
President and the Republicans finally separated completely. 
On the 2d of March, 1867, a bill to reconstruct the confederate 
states was passed over the President's veto. It divided those 
states into five military districts, each to be commanded by a 
general, and governed by civil tribunals, when military com- 
missions were not deemed suitable. The states were allowed 
representation in Congress, on the formation of a state govern- 

ment by " a convention of delegates, elected by all the citizens 
of whatever race, color, or previous condition." This measure 
was vehemently resisted and denounced by the Democrats. 
Acts to perfect this system of reconstruction were afterwards 

PARTY CHANGES.— A small number of Republicans 
adhered to the President after his separation from the part}', 
and, with him, were brought into close connection with the 

THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT.-The thirteenth amendment 
of the constitution, abolishing slavery in the United States, went 
into force December 18th, 1865. It was opposed by the Demo- 

FREEDMEN'S BUREAU.— A bill to enlarge the power of 
the Freedmen' s Bureau was passed by Congress, and vetoed by 
the President, February 19th, 1866. It was strenuously opposed 
by the Democrats. 

CITIL RIGHTS BILL.-Iu March, 1866, a bill was passed 
to establish and protect the civil rights of the freedmen, making 
them citizens of the United States, and giving them the right to 
sue and be sued, to make contracts, and exercise other civil 
duties, and punishing by fine and imprisonment any one inter. 
fering. It was passed over the President's veto. The Demo- 
crats opposed the bill. 

FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT.-To assure the civil rights 
of the freedmen, the fourteenth amendment of the constitution 


was passed by Congress, June 18th, 1866. The Democrats 
opposed it, and the President sent a message that lie could not 
approve it, but would submit it to the states. It was proclaimed 
in force July 28th, 1868. 

NEGRO SUFFRAGE.— On the 7th of January, 1867, an act 
was passed giving the right of suffrage to the negroes in the 
District of Columbia and the territories. It was vigorously 
opposed by the Democrats. 

between the President and the Republicans led to systematic 
efforts to limit his power. He was deprived of the right to pro- 
claim general amnesty in January, 1867, though lie denied the 
validity of the act and continued to exercise the right. The 
40th and all succeeding Congresses were authorized to meet 
directly after adjournment, so as to keep a constant check on 
the President. A provision of the Army 'Appropriation bill 
nullified his command of the army, by requiring him to give 
orders through the General in command. In March the 
" Tenure-of-Office bill " was passed, providing that the Presi- 
dent should not remove civil officers without the consent of the 
Senate, and making a violation of it a "high misdemeanor." 
He was allowed to suspend, but not remove an official ; and if 
the Senate, at the next session, refused to concur, the official 
should be restored. The Democrats opposed all these acts. 

the 15th of August, 1867, attempted to remove Edwin M. 
Stanton from the office of Secretary of War. Mr. Stanton, re- 
fusing to leave, was suspended under the Tenure law, and 
General Grant put in his place. The next January, the Senate 

refused its assent, and General Grant gave up the office to Mr. 
Stanton. Then, on February 21st, 1808, the President deter- 
mined to remove him in defiance of the " Tenure act," and put 
General Lorenzo Thomas in the office. Mr. Stanton held firm, 
and notified the Speaker of the House of the President's 

IMPEACHMENT.— The violation of the " Tenure-of-Office " 
act being a " high misdemeanor," the House resolved, February 
24th, to impeach the President, the Democrats opposing. The 
articles of impeachment were mainly for violating the "Tenure- 
of-Office" act. The trial, resulting in the President's acquittal, 
was begun in the Senate, on the 5th of March, 1868, and con- 
tinued until May 16th. 

CONFEDERATE.— After the war, most of those who had 
belonged to the Confederacy associated themselves with the 
Democratic party. 

ELECTION IN 1S68.— The Republican national convention 
met in Chicago on May 20th, 1808, and nominated General U. S. 
Grant for President, with Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, for 
Vice-President. The Democrats met in New York City on July 
4th, and nominated Horatio Seymour, of New York, for Presi- 
dent, and Francis P. Blair, of Missouri, for Vice-President. 
[See D. and PI.] The contest was made almost wholly upon 
issues growing out of the war and the reconstruction policy of 
Congress. General Grant and Mr. Colfax were elected by 214 
electoral votes, to 80 for Seymour and Blair, counting the vote 
of Georgia, which was contested. Without it their vote 
was 71. 


RECONSTRUCTION.— The Congressional scheme of recon- 
struction was prosecuted during Grant's administration, with 
little resistance save the opposition of Democrats in Congress, 
and a good deal of local disturbance in the more strongly dis- 
affected regions of the south. The ratification of the Fourteenth 
Amendment was made a prime condition of readmission with all 
the states. 

FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT.— On the 25th of February, 
1869, the fifteenth amendment of the constitution, conferring the 
right of suffrage on all citizens, without distinction of "race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude," was passed by Con- 
gress, and ratified by twenty-nine states, the necessary three- 
fourths required by the constitution, and the fact reported to 
Congress, by the President, March 30th, 1870. 

SOUTHERN TROUBLES.— The hostility of a large portion 
of the population of the confederate states to the constitutional 
amendments, especially the fourteenth and fifteenth, and to the 
white Republicans, who were supposed to control the negro 
voters, was exhibited in many localities, in various forms of 
resistance to the laws, and of abuse of the obnoxious parties. 
Organizations calling themselves the "White League" and "Ku 
Klux Klan" warned many whites, of opposing political opinions, 
to leave the country. Conflicts of a serious nature, between the 

factions, were of frequent occurrence. In Louisiana these troubles 
affected the elections, and made serious contentions as to the 
legal possession of the state offices. Investigating committees 
were sent by Congress to ascertain the causes and magnitude of 
the troubles, but never with any alleviating result. Troops 
had to be sent there, and to other states, to protect the citizens, 
and maintain the authority of the government. 

these cruelties, and lawless interferences with the rights of the 
freedmen, Congress, in April, 1871, passed an act giving to the 
President extraordinary powers to enforce the laws against the 
perpetrators. It was generally called the "Ku Klux act." It 
was strongly resisted by the Democrats, and by a few Republi- 
cans, as unconstitutional, and a dangerous centralization of 
power. The law was enforced very moderately by General 
Grant, and the disturbances continued, with hardly any diminu- 
tion, till the Presidential election of 1876. 

SAN DOMINGO.— President Grant, during his first term, 
made some efforts at procuring a harbor and naval station on the 
coast of San Domingo, and a protectorate of a portion of the 
island, and sent three commissioners there to look after the 
business. The project, being opposed by the greater portion of 
the Republican press and by Congress, was abandoned. 

roNsracrrs of the history of 

CIYIL SERYICE I!EFORM.-The interference of partisan 
influence in tlie appointment of subordinate officers of the gov- 
ernment, and clerks in the departments, attracted a good deal 
of attention and censure during Genera] Grant's administration, 
and he sought to effect a reform of some of the abuses, by 
appointing a commission to devise a system of competitive 
examinations, and by conferring appointments and promotions 
on those who proved competent in such examinations, and to 
those whose service in office entitled them to be advanced to bet- 
ter positions. The commission discharged its duty by preparing 
apian of civil service reform, and some effort was made, for a 
time, to enforce it; but it met with little favor among a large 
portion of the members of Congress, and gradually fell into 

THE LABOR REFORM PARTY grew out of the combina- 
tions of workingmen, called "Trades' Union," which existed all 
over the country, and formed a body of voters of sufficient 
strength to command the attention of politicians. They had 
candidates of their own in several states, and elicited a good 
deal of discussion of measures for the benefit of workingmen. 
Congress reduced the working day from ten to eight hours, in 
all the national establishments. Combined with the workingmen 
wereagood many of a communistic tendency, and the general 

te ■ of the party's opinion was adverse to large accumulations 

of wealth, and in favor of reforms looking to a greater equality 
of condition among the people. 

THE "GRANGERS," calling themselves the "Patrons op 
Husbandry," were probably the most important and influential 
order on existing political conditions. The local societies were 
called "granges," and the objects of the order, primarily eco- 
nomical and moral, were to promote the higher development of 
farm life and labor, to encourage co-operation among farmers— 
for the restraint of exorbitant railroad freights, on grain, espe- 
cially—to discourage the credit system, and borrowing on mort- 
gages—and generally to set farmers to improving their material 
and moral condition. The order, at first non-partisan, became 
hugely mixed up with politics, by designing men, and, as a con- 
sequence, its influence began to wane. 

THE TEMPERANCE PARTY was organized in 1872, and 
consisted of a national combination of local temperance organi- 
zations, which had been in existence for many years. In 1876, 
it received the name of Prohibition Reform party. 

in the hard times following the financial crash in 1873, and held 
to the necessity of increasing the paper money of the govern- 
ment, to soften the rigor of the times, and prevent immense losses 
by the depreciation of values. Many contended that the paper 
money issued by the government should never be redeemed, but 
should be, as they said, "coined paper," made, by the authority 
of the government, good for all debts, public and private. A 
large portion of the "Grangers" attached themselves to this 

Democrats who were dissatisfied with the nomination of Mr. 
Greeley, by their party, in 1872, and held a convention at Louis- 
ville to nominate a man of their own views.. They selected 
Charles O'Conor, of New York, for President, but accomplished 

THE LIBEBAL REPUBLICANS were a portion of the Re- 
publican parly that was dissatisfied with the administration of 
General Grant, and the course of the party. In Missouri (1S70) 

a liberal faction withdrew from the Republican party, and nom- 
inated an opposition ticket which, with Democratic aid, was 
successful. The Liberal movement grew into political impor- 
tance in 1871, and assumed a national organization in 1872. 

ELECTIONS OF 1872.- The Liberal Republicans met at 
Cincinnati in national convention, May 1st, 1872, adopted a plat- 
form [see D. and PL] and nominated Horace Greeley (N. Y.) and 
B. Gratz Brown (Mo.). 

The Democratic party held its national convention at Balti- 
more, July 9th, and accepted the platform and candidates of the 
Liberal Republicans. The combination thus formed received 
the name of the Liberal Republican Democratic party. 

The action of the convention at Baltimore was distasteful to 
some of the more conservative of the party. These, called 
Straight-Out Democrats, met in convention at Louisville, Ky., 
September 3d, and adopted resolutions repudiating the action of 
the Baltimore convention. Charles O'Conor was nominated as 
President, and John Quincy Adams as Vice-President. 0' Conor 
declined, but was not permitted to withdraw. 

The national Republican convention assembled at Philadel- 
phia, June 5th, and nominated U. S. Grant and Henry Wilson 

The Labor Reform party met in convention at Columbus, 0., 
February 21st, adopted a declaration of principles, and nomi- 
nated David Davis for President and Joel Parker for Vice- 
President. In June these declined, in consequence of which a 
convention of Workingmen met at Philadelphia, August 22d, 
and nominated Charles O'Conor as President. 

The national Temperance party selected James Black and A. 
H. Colquitt as candidates (Feb. 22). 

The elections resulted in the success of the Republicans, and 
re-election of General Grant, 286 electoral votes to 66, of which 
42 were given to Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana, Mr. Greeley 
having died between the time of the popular election and that 
of the Electoral College. 

tion of General Grant's second term was given to the difficulties 
created by the state governments, and local disturbances in the 
reconstructed states. At first, the freedmen, with their white 
allies, controlled most of the states, and their management was 
not always wise or honest. A growing reaction against the 
long ascendency of the Republicans, enabled the reconstructed 
confederates, and those who sympathized with them, to acquire 
control of the state governments, and, in 1876, their ascendency 
was almost complete. 

FINANCES formed a leading feature of the discussions and 
legislation of this term. The tendency of the policy of the 
government had been towards a return to specie payments, 
while a large section of the people, and of their congressional 
representatives, were anxious for an increase of paper currency. 
Much of the time of Congress was taken up with the subject, 
and it and the southern troubles, and the revenue peculations, 
formed the main features of the administration during this 
second term. Hundreds of bills touching the finances and cur- 
rency were introduced in Congress, but nothing was done with 
any save a very few. The President inclined to the "hard 
money" side. 

for the resumption of specie payments on the 1st of January, 
1879, was passed and approved in 1875. It was opposed by 
most of the Democrats and some Republicans in Congress and 
in the country. Resumption was never unanimously opposed 
or approved by either party, though the majority of the Demo- 


crats opposed it, and the majority of the Republicans supported 
it. Some held that the restriction of currency would make 
hard times and prostrate business, and others held that inflation 
would be far more disastrous. No harm came of it, however, 
and resumption was accomplished at the time fixed, and prac- 
tically some months before, without any convulsion or disturb- 
ance of business. 

ELECTION OF 1876.— On the 14th of June, 1876, the Repub- 
lican national convention, at Cincinnati, nominated Rutherford 
B. Hayes, of Ohio, for President, and William A. Wheeler, of 
New York, for Vice-President. The Democratic convention at 
St. Louis nominated Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for Presi- 
dent, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice-President. 
The "National" or "Greenback" party met at Indianapolis 
on the 17th of May, and nominated Peter Cooper, of New York, 
for President, and Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, for Vice-President. 
The Republicans elected 173 undisputed electors, and the Dem- 

ocrats 184. Florida had four votes and Louisiana eight, which 
were contested. The Republican returning boards had given 
certificates of election to the Republican electors, but the Demo- 
crats contested their validity. Very grave apprehensions were 
felt all over the country while this contest was unsettled, and 
many threats were made by intemperate partisans. Finally, on 
the 29th of January, 1877, Congress appointed an Electoral 
Commission to settle the contest. It consisted of five members 
of the Supreme Court, Judges Clifford, Field, Miller and Strong, 
who selected Judge Bradley for the fifth ; five senators, Ed- 
munds, Frelinghuysen and Morton, Republicans, and Bayard 
and Thurman, Democrats— Senator Thurman subsequently re- 
tired on account of illness, and was replaced by Kernan, of New 
York ; and five representatives, Abbott, Hunton and Payne, 
Democrats, and Gariield and Hoar, Republicans. The Commis- 
sion, by one majority, decided that the Republican certificates 
were valid, and that the twelve disputed electoral votes should 
be counted for Mr. Hayes, who was thus elected. 


CONCILIATION The most prominent feature of the open- 
ing of the administration of President Hayes was his disposition 
to conciliate the disaffected feeling in the south, and accomplish, 
by mild means, what force and repressive legislation had failed 
in. He appointed a former confederate officer, David M. Key, 
of Tennessee, Postmaster-General, and made Carl Schurz, a 
leader of the Liberal Republicans in 1872, Secretary of the 
Interior. He, also, very early in his administration, removed 
the government troops from Louisiana and other states, and left 
the latter to themselves. During a tour of the southern states, 
soon afterward, he made several speeches, in which he declared 
his desire and purpose to bring about a better state of feeling 
and a more cordial union. His inaugural address indicated his 
desire for such a state of things, and for the reform of some of 
the abuses of the civil service. He had foreshadowed these 
views in his letter of acceptance of the nomination. Some 
Republicans thought he carried conciliation too far. These 
called themselves "stalwarts." 

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.— An attempt was early made 
to revive and extend some of the regulations of the civil service 
reform, partially established in the previous administration. 
Several orders were issued and strict obedience claimed, and, 
by them, considerable fluttering among office holders was caused ; 
but they were, after a time, construed into nothing of any force, 
and were gradually relaxed, if not abandoned. 

ing party contest of the administration grew out of Democratic 
efforts in defeating the law authorizing the use of United States 
troops to keep the peace at the polls. The employment of 
deputy marshals, for the same purpose, was sought to be 
defeated. The means resorted to were the attachment of 
"riders," or conditions to the military and civil appropriation 

bills, requiring that the troops should not be allowed at any 
election in any state, and that the marshals should not interfere 
in the elections. The Republicans resisted the conditions, and 
the bill failed in 1879, making an immediate extra session neces- 
sary. The contest was not then settled, and continued into the 
following session in 1880. 

NEGRO EXODUS.— A striking feature of the movements of 
1879, was a very general negro emigration, usually called 
"exodus," from the lower Mississippi river states and from the 
Carolinas. The earlier emigrants, and the larger number, went 
to Kansas. Later, a considerable number went to Indiana. A 
committee, to investigate the character and causes of the move- 
ment, was appointed by the Senate; it ascertained that the 
causes were in some cases political, and in some pecuniary. 

RESUMPTION.— On the 1st of January, 1879, specie pay- 
ments were resumed, after about eighteen years of suspension. 
The certainty that resumption would take place at the appointed 
time, without any difficulty or derangement of business, set it 
in operation, practically, some months before the time. The 
premium on gold was very small, and many private business 
houses were paying specie when desired. All apprehensions 
and prophecies of evil proved chimerical. 

REFUNDING.— By authority of Congress, the six per cent, 
bonds were refunded, at different times, at five, four and a 
half, and four per cent. The new bonds were freely taken, 
and soon commanded a premium in Europe, as well as at home. 

TAMMANY.— There were threatening divisions in both parties 
at the New York election of 1879. The Tammany Society, of 
New York City, which had long led the Democracy of the city, 
except for a few years after the exposure of Tweed's peculations, 


opposed Mr. Robinson, the Democratic nominee for governor, 
and thus defeated liim. 

publicans were opposed to Senator Conkling's control of the 
party in that state, and refused to support the nominee for gov- 
ernor whom he favored, Mr. Cornell, and vury nearly defeated 
him in spite of the help of Tammany. These were Indepen- 
dent Republicans, called by the Regulars "scratchers." 

NOMINATIONS, I880.-On the 2d of June, the Republican 
national convention met at Chicago ; James A. Garfield (0.) 
and Chester A. Arthur (N. Y.) were nominated for the positions 
of President and Vice-President. Two important features of 
this convention were, (1) the recognition of the right of delegates 
to represent the opinions of their districts irrespective of the 
instructions of state conventions; and (2) the overthrow of the 
attempts at changing the traditional policy of the country, 

which prohibits one man from serving as President more than 
two terms. 

The national convention of the National party (Greenback) 
met at Chicago on the 9th of June, and selected as candidates 
for the two highest executive offices, James B. Weaver (la.) and 
Benjamin J. Chambers (Tex.) This ticket was acquiesced in by 
most of the element which constituted the Labor party. 

The Prohibition national convention was held at Cleveland, 
Ohio, June 17th. Neal Dow (Me.), for President, was nomin- 
ated by acclamation. A. H. Thompson (0.) was chosen foi 

On the 22d of June the national convention of the Demo 
cratic party met at Cincinnati, Ohio. General Winfield S. 
Hancock (Penn.) was nominated for President on the second 
ballot, and William H. English (Ind.) for the position of Vice- 
President, was chosen without opposition. The Tammany wing 
of the Democratic party in New York acquiesced in the no 
ations. A platform consisting of twelve resolutions, was adopted 
by a unanimous vote. [See D. and PI] 





Resolved, That whenever the general government assumes 
undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of 
no force ; that to this compact each state acceded as a state, and 
is an integral party; that this government created by this com- 
pact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of 
the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its 
discretion, and not the constitution, the measure of its powers ; 
but that, as in all other cases of compact among parties having 
no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for 
itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of 


Resolved, That this assembly doth emphatically and peremp- 
torily declare that it views the powers of the Federal govern- 
ment as resulting from the compact to which the states are 
parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instru- 
ment constituting that compact, as no further valid than they 
are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact ; and 
that in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of 
other powers not granted by the said compact, the states who 
are parties thereto have the right, and are in duty bound, to in- 
terpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintain- 
ing within their respective limits the authorities, rights, and 
liberties appertaining to them. 


Resolved, That the several states who formed that instrument 
[constitution] being sovereign and independent, have the un- 
questionable right to judge of the infraction ; and that a nullifi- 
cation^ those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under 
color of that instrument, is the rightful remedy. 



according to the t 

iolable preservation of the Federal constitution, 

fhich it was adopted by the states, 

that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which 
.pprehended, who, therefore, became its 

2. Opposition to monarchizing its features by the forms of its 
administration, with a view to conciliate a transition, first, to 
a president and senate for life ; and, secondly, to an hereditary 
tenure of those offices, and thus to worm out the elective prin- 

3. Preservation to the states of the powers not yielded by 
them to the Union, and to the legislature of the Union its consti- 
tutional share in division of powers ; and resistance, therefore, 
to existing movements for transferring all the powers of the 
states to the general government, and all of those of that govern- 
ment to the executive branch. 

4. A rigorously frugal administration of the government, 
and the application of all the possible savings of the public rev- 
enue to the liquidation of the public debt ; and resistance, there- 
fore, to all measures looking to a multiplication of officers and 
salaries, merely to create partisans and to augment the public 
debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing. 

5. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the militia, till 
actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as maybe suffi- 
cient to protect our coasts and harbors from depredations ; and 
opposition, therefore, to the policy of a standing army in time 
of peace which may overawe the public sentiment, and to a navy, 
which, by its own expenses, and the wars in which it will impli- 
cate us, will grind us with public burdens and sink us under 

6. Free commerce with all nations, political connection with 
none, and little or no diplomatic establishment. 

7. Opposition to linking ourselves, by new treaties, with the 
quarrels of Europe, entering their fields of slaughter to preserve 

leracy of kings to war 

their balance, or joining in the 
against the principles of liberty. 

8. Freedom of religion, and opposition to all maneuvers to 
bring about a legal ascendency of one sect over another. 

9. Freedom of speech and of the press ; and opposition, 
therefore, to all violations of the constitution,to silence, by force, 
and not by reason, the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, 
of our citizens against the conduct of their public agents. 

10. Liberal naturalization laws, under which the well dis- 
posed of all nations who may desire to embark their fortunes 
with us and share with us the public burdens, may have that 
opportunity, under moderate restrictions, for the development 
of honest intention, and severe ones to guard against the usur- 
pation of our flag. 

11. Encouragement of science and the arts in all their 
branches, to the end that the American people may perfect their 
independence of all foreign monopolies, institutions and influ- 

I'I.,\TI'-<J|;\IS Dl'' TIIK rnlJTK'.M, PAItTIE 

1801— 1811. 






1. Opposition to nominations of chief magistrates by con- 
gressional caucuses, as well because such practices are the 
exercise of undelegated authority, as of their repugnance to the 
freedom of elections. 

2. Opposition to all customs and usages in both the execu- 
tive and legislative departments which have for their object the 
maintenance of an official regency to prescribe tenets of political 
faith, the line of conduct to be deemed fidelity or recreancy to 
republican principles, and to perpetuate in themselves or fami- 
lies the offices of the Federal government. 

3. Opposition to all efforts on the part of particular states 
to monopolize the principal offices of the government, as well 
because of their certainty to destroy the harmony which ought 
to prevail amongst all the constituent parts of the Union, as of 
their leanings toward a form of oligarchy entirely at variance 
with the theory of republican government ; and, consequently, 
particular opposition to continuing a citizen of Virginia in the 
executive office another term, unless she can show that she enjoys 
a corresponding monopoly of talents and patriotism, after she 
has been honored with the presidency for twenty out of twenty- 
four years of our constitutional existence, and when it is obvious 
that the practice has arrayed the agricultural against the com- 
mercial interests of the country. 

_ 4. Opposition to continuing public men for long periods in 
offices of delicate trust and weighty responsibility as the reward 
of public services, to the detriment of all or any particular 
interest in, or section of, the country ; and, consequently, to the 
continuance of Mr. Madison in an office which, in view of our 
pending difficulties with Great Britain, requires an incumbent of 
greater decision, energy and efficiency. 

5. Opposition to the lingering inadequacy of preparation 
for the war with Great Britain, now about to ensue, and to the 
measure which allows uninterrupted trade with Spain and 
Portugal, which, as it can not be carried on under our flag, 
gives to Great Britain the means of supplying her armies with 
provisions, of which they would otherwise be destitute, and 
thus affording aid and comfort to our enemy. 

6. Averment of the existing necessity for placing the coun- 
try in a condition for aggressive action for the conquest of the 
British American Provinces, and for the defense of our coasts 
and exposed frontiers ; and of the propriety of such a levy of 
taxes as will raise the necessary funds for the emergency. 

7. Advocacy of the election of DeWitt Clinton as the surest 
method of relieving the country from all the evils existing and 
prospective, for the reason that his great talents and inflexible 

patriotism guaranty a firm and unyielding maintenance of our 
national sovereignty, and the protection of those commercial 
interests which were flagging under the weakness and imbecility 
of the administration. 



Resolved, That it be and is hereby recommended to the legis- 
latures of the several states represented in this convention, to 
adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectually to pro- 
tect the citizens of said states from the operation and effects of 
all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of 
the United States, which shall contain provisions subjecting the 
militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or im- 
pressments not authorized by the constitution of the United 

Resolved, That it be and is hereby recommended to the said 
legislatures, to authorize an immediate and an earnest application 
to be made to the government of the United States, requesting 
their consent to some arrangement whereby the said states may, 
separately or in concert, be empowered to assume upon them- 
selves the defense of their territory against the enemy, and a 
reasonable portion of the taxes collected within said states may 
be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appropriated 
to the balance due said states and to the future defense of the 
same. The amount so paid into said treasuries to be credited, 
and the disbursements made as aforesaid to be charged to the 
United States. 

Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the legis- 
latures of the aforesaid states, to pass laws where it has not 
already been done, authorizing the governors or commanders-in- 
chief of their militia to make detachments from the same, or to 
form voluntary corps, as shall be most convenient and conform- 
able to their constitutions, and to cause the same to be well 
armed, equipped, and held in readiness for service, and upon 
request of the governor of either of the other states, to employ 
the whole of such detachment or corps, as well as the regular 
forces of the state, or such part thereof as may be required, and 
can be spared consistently with the safety of the state, in assist- 
ing the state making such request to repel any invasion thereof 
which shall be made or attempted by the public enemy. 

Resolved, That the following amendments of the constitution 
of the United States be recommended to the states represented 
as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the state 
legislatures, and in such cases as may be deemed expedient by 
a convention chosen by the people of each state. And it is 
further recommended that the said states shall persevere in 
their efforts to obtain such amendments, until the same shall 
be effected. 

First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned 
among the several states which may be included within this 
Union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, 
including those bound to serve for a term of years, and exclud- 
ing Indians not taxed, and all other persons ; 

Second. No new state shall be admitted into the Union by 
Congress, in virtue of the power granted in the constitution, 
without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses ; 

Third. Congress shall not have power to lay an embargo on 
the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in the 
ports or harbors thereof, for more than sixty days ; 


Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the concur- 
rence of two-thirds of both houses, to interdict the commercial 
intercourse between the United States and any foreign nation or 
the dependencies thereof ; 

Fifth. Congress shall not make nor declare war, nor authorize 
acts of hostility against any foreign nation, without the concur- 
rence of two-thirds of both houses, except such acts of hostility 
be in defense of the territories of the United States when actu- 
ally invaded ; 

Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized shall 
be eligible as a member of the Senate or House of Representa- 
tives of the United States, or capable of holding any civil 
office under the authority of the United States ; 

Seventh. The same person shall not be elected President of 
the United States a second time, nor shall the President be 
elected from the same state two terms in 

Resolved, That if the application of these states to the 
government of the United States, recommended in a foregoing 
resolution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be con- 
cluded, and the defense of these states should be neglected, as 
it has been since the commencement of the war, it will, in the 
opinion of this convention, be expedient for the legislatures of 
the several states to appoint delegates to another convention, to 
meet at Boston, in the state of Massachusetts, on the third 
Monday of June next, with such powers and instructions as the 
exigency of a crisis so momentous may require. 

Resolved, That the Honorable George Cabot, the Honorable 
Chauncey Goodrich, the Honorable Daniel Lyman, or any two 
of them, be authorized to call another meeting of this conven- 
tion, to be holden in Boston at any time before new delegates 
shall be chosen as recommended in the above resolution, if in 
their judgment the situation of the country shall urgently re- 
quire it. 





Resolved, That it is recommended to the people of the United 
States, opposed to secret societies, to meet in convention on 
Monday, the 26th day of September, 1831, at the city of Balti- 
more, by delegates equal in number to their representatives in 
both Houses of Congress, to make nominations of suitable can- 
didates for the offices of President and Vice-President, to be 
supported at the nex:t election, and for the transaction of such 
other business as the cause of Anti-Masonry may require. 




CITY, MAY 11. 

Resolved, That an adequate protection to American industry 
is indispensable to the prosperity of the country ; and that an 
abandonment of the policy at this period would bo attended 
with consequences ruinous to the best interests of the nation. 

Resolved, That a uniform system of internal improvements, 
sustained and supported by the general government, is calcu- 
lated to secure, in the highest degree, the harmony, the strength 
and permanency of the republic. 

Resolved, That the indiscriminate removal of public officers 
for a mere difference of political opinion, is a gross abuse of 
power; and that the doctrine lately boldly preached in the 
United States Senate, that "to the victors belong the spoils of 
the vanquished," is detrimental to the interests, corrupting to 
the morals, and dangerous to the liberties of the country. 



We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are 
created free and equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator 
with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness ; that the true foundation of 
republican government is the equal rights of every citizen in 
his person and property, and in their management ; that the 
idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society we give up 
any natural right ; that the rightful power of all legislation is 
to declare and enforce only our natural rights and duties, and 
to take none of them from us ; that no man has the natural 
right to commit aggressions on the equal rights of another, and 
this is all from which the law ought to restrain him ; that every 
man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities 
of society, and this is all the law should enforce on him ; that 
when the laws have declared and enforced all this, they have 
fulfilled their functions. 

We declare unqualified hostility to bank notes and paper 
money as a circulating medium, because gold and silver is the 
only safe and constitutional currency ; hostility to any and all 
monopolies by legislation, because they are violations of equal 
rights of the people ; hostility to the dangerous and unconsti- 
tutional creation of vested rights or prerogatives by legislation, 
because they are usurpations of the people's sovereign rights; 
no legislative or other authority in the body politic can right- 
fully, by charter or otherwise, exempt any man or body of men, 
in any case whatever, from trial by jury and the jurisdiction or 
operation of the laws which govern the community. 

We hold that each and every law or act of incorporation, 
passed by preceding legislatures, can be rightfully altered and 


repealed by their successors ; and that they should be altered 
or repealed, when necessary for the public good, or when re- 
quired by a majority of the people. 

1 836. 


Resolved, That in support of our cause, we invite all citizens 
opposed to Martin Van Bnren and the Baltimore nominees. 

Resolved, That Martin Van Bnren, by intriguing with the 
executive to obtain his influence to elect him to the presidency, 
has set an example dangerous to our freedom and corrupting to 
our free institutions. 

Resolved, That the support we render to William H. Harri- 
son is by no means given to him solely on acconnt of his 
brilliant and successful services as leader of our armies during 
the last war, but that in him we view also the man of high intel- 
lect, I lie stem patriot, uncontaminated by the machinery of 
hackneyed politicians— a man of the school of Washington. 

Resolved, That in Francis Granger we recognize one of our 
most distinguished fellow-citizens, whose talents we admire, 
whose patriotism we trust, and whose principles we sanction. 



Resolved, That, in our judgment, every consideration of duty 
and expediency which ought to control the action of Christian 
freemen, requires of the Abolitionists of the United States 
to organize a distinct and independent political party, embrac- 
ing all the necessary means for nominating candidates for office 
and sustaining them by public suffrage. 



Resolved, That the Federal government is one of limited 
powers, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of 
power shown therein ought to be strictly construed by all the 
departments and agents of the government, and that it is inex- 
pedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional 

2. Resolved, That the constitution does not confer upon the 
general government the power to commence and carry on a 
general system of internal improvements. 

3. Resolved, That the constitution does not confer authority 
upon the Federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume 
the debts of the several states, contracted for local internal im- 
provements or other state purposes ; nor would such assumption 
be just or expedient. 

That justice and sound policy forbid the 
Federal government to foster one branch of industry to the 
detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion 
to the injury of another portion of our common country— that 
every citizen and every section of the country has a right to 
demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, 
and to complete and ample protection of persons and property 
from domestic violence or foreign 

5. Resolved, That it is the duty of every branch of the 
government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in 
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought 
to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses 
of the government. 

6. Resolved, That Congress has no power to charter a 
United States bank ; that we believe such an institution one of 
deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous 
to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, 
and calculated to place, the business of the country within the 
control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and 
the will of the people. 

7. Resolved, That Congress has no power, under the con- 
stitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of 
the several states ; and that such states are the sole and proper 
judges of even tiling pertaining to their own affairs, not pro- 
hibited by the constitution; that all efforts, by Abolitionists or 
others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of 
slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calcu- 
lated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, 
and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish 
the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and 
permanence of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by 
any friend to our political institutions. 

8. Resolved, That the separation of the moneys of the 
government from banking institutions is indispensable for the 
safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the 

9. Resolved, That the liberal principles embodied by Jeffer- 
son in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the 
constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the 
asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal 
principles in the democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge 
the present privilege of becoming citizens, and the owners of 
soil among us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit which 
swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute book. 

Whereas, Several of the states which have nominated Martin 
Van Bnren as a candidate for the presidency, have put in nomi- 
nation different individuals as candidates for Vice-President, 
thus indicating a diversity of opinion as to the person best 
entitled to the nomination ; and whereas, some of the said states 
are not represented in this convention ; therefore, 

Resolved, That the convention deem it expedient at the 
present time not to choose between the individuals in nomina- 
tion, but to leave the decision to their republican fellow-citizens 


in the several states, trusting that before the election shall take 
place, their opinions will become so concentrated as to secure 
the choice of a Vice-President by the electoral college. 



1. Resolved, That human brotherhood is a cardinal principle 
of true democracy, as well as of pure Christianity, which 
spurns all inconsistent limitations ; and neither the political 
party which repudiates it, nor the political system which is not 
based upon it, can be truly democratic or permanent. 

2. Resolved, That the Liberty party, placing itself upon 
this broad principle, will demand the absolute and unqualified 
divorce of the general government from slavery, and also the 
restoration of equality of rights among men, in every state 
where the party exists, or may exist. 

3. Resolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized 
for any temporary purpose by interested politicians, but has 
arisen from among the people in consequence of a conviction, 
hourly gaining ground, that no other party in the country repre- 
sents the true principles of American liberty, or the true spirit 
of the constitution of the United States. 

4. Resolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized 
merely for the overthrow of slavery ; its first decided effort 
must, indeed, be directed against slaveholding as the grossest 
and most revolting manifestation of despotism, tut it will also 
carry out the principle of equal rights into all its practical con- 
sequences and applications, and support every just measure 
conducive to individual and social freedom. 

5. Resolved, That the Liberty party is not a sectional party 
but a national party ; was not originated in a desire to accomplish 
a single object, but in a comprehensive regard to the great 
interests of the whole country ; is not a new party, nor a third 
party, but is the party of 1776, reviving the principles of that 
memorable era,, and striving to carry them into practical 

6. Resolved, That it was understood in the times of the 
declaration and the constitution, that the existence of slavery 
in some of the states was in derogation of the principles of 
American liberty, and a deep stain upon the character of the 
country, and the implied faith of the states and the nation was 
pledged that slavery should never be extended beyond its then 
existing limits, but should be gradually, and yet, at no distant 
day, wholly abolished by state authority. 

7. Resolved, That the faith of the states and the nation thus 
pledged, was most nobly redeemed by the voluntary abolition 
of slavery in several of the states, and by the adoption of the 
ordinance of 1787, for the government of the territory north- 
west of the river Ohio, then the only territory in the United 
States, and consequently the only territory subject in this 
respect to the control of Congress, by which ordinance slavery 
was forever excluded from the vast regions which now compose 
the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and the territory 
of Wisconsin, and an incapacity to bear up any other than free- 
men was impressed on the soil itself. 

8. Resolved, That the faith of the states and nation thus 
pledged, has been shamefully violated by the omission, on the 
part of many of the states, to take any measures whatever for 
the abolition of slavery within their respective limits ; by the 
continuance of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in 
the territories of Louisiana and Florida ; by the legislation of 
Congress ; by the protection afforded by national legislation and 
negotiation to slaveholding in American vessels, on the high 
seas, employed in the coastwise Slave Traffic ; and by the exten- 
sion of slavery far beyond its original limits, by acts of Con- 
gress admitting new slave states into the Union. 

9. Resolved, That the fundamental truths of the Declaration 
of Independence, that all men are endowed by their Creator 
with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness, was made the fundamental law of our 
national government, by that amendment of the constitution 
which declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, 
or property, without due process of law. 

10. Resolved, That we recognize as sound the doctrine main- 
tained by slaveholding jurists, that slavery is against natural 
rights, and strictly local, and that its existence and continuance 
rests on no other support than state legislation, and not on any 
authority of Congress. 

11. Resolved, That the general government has, under the 
constitution, no power to establish or continue slavery any- 
where, and therefore that all treaties and acts of Congress estab- 
lishing, continuing or favoring slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia, in the territory of Florida, or on the high seas, are uncon- 
stitutional, and all attempts to hold men as property within 
the limits of exclusive national jurisdiction ought to bo pro- 
hibited by law. 

12. Resolved, That the provision of the constitution of the 
United States which confers extraordinary political powers on 
the owners of slaves, and thereby constituting the two hundred 
and fifty thousand slaveholders in the slave states a privileged 
aristocracy ; and the provision for the reclamation of fugitive 
slaves from service, are anti-republican in their character, dan- 
gerous to the liberties of the people, and ought to be abrogated. 

13. Resolved, That the practical operation of the second of 
these provisions, is seen in the enactment of the act of Congress 
respecting persons escaping from their masters, which act, if the 
construction given to it by the Supreme Court of the United 
States in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies 
the habeas corpus acts of all the states, takes away the whole 
legal security of personal freedom, and ought, therefore, to be 
immediately repealed. 

14. Resolved, That the peculiar patronage and support 
hitherto extended to slavery and slaveholding, by the general 
government, ought to be immediately withdrawn, and the exam- 
ple and influence of national authority ought to be arrayed on 
the side of liberty and free labor. 

15 Resolved, That the practice of the general government, 
which prevails in the slave states, of employing slaves upon the 
public works, instead of free laborers, and paying aristocratic 
masters, with a view to secure or reward political services, is 
utterly indefensible and ought to be abandoned. 

16 Resolved, That freedom of speech and of the press, and 
the right of petition, and the right of trial by jury, are sacred 
and inviolable ; and that all rules, regulations and laws, indero- 


gation of either, are oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be 
endured by a free people. 

17. Resolved, That we regard voting, in an eminent degree, 
as a moral and religious duty, which, when exercised, should be 
by voting for those who will do all in their power for immediate 

18. Resolved, That this convention recommend to the friends 
of liberty in all those free states where any inequality of rights 
and privileges exists on account of color, to employ their utmost 
energies to remove all such remnants and effects of the slave 

Whereas, The constitution of these United States is a series 
of agreements, covenants or contracts between the people of the 
United States, each with all, and all with each ; and, 

Whereas, It is a principle of universal morality, that the 
moral laws of the Creator are paramount to all human laws ; or, 
in the language of an Apostle, that "we ought to obey God 
lather than men ;" and. 

Whereas, The principle of common law— that any contract, 
oovenant, or agreement, to do an act derogatory to natural right, 
is vitiated and annulled by its inherent immorality— has been 
recognized! by one of the justices of the Supreme Court of the 
United States, who in a recent case expressly holds that "any 
contract that rests upon such a basis is void;" and, 

Whereas, The third clause of the second section of the fourth 
artiole of tile constitution of the United States, when construed 
as providing for the surrender of a fugitive slave, does "rest upon 
such a basis," in that it is a contract to rob a man of a natural 
right— namely, his natural light to his own liberty - and is there- 
fore absolutely void. Therefore, 

19. Resolved, That we hereby give it to be distinctly under- 
stood by this nation and the world, that, as abolitionists, con- 
sidering that the strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, 
and our hope for it in our conformity to the laws of God, and 
our respect for the rights of man, we owe it to the Sovereign 
Ruler of the Universe, as a proof of our allegiance to Him, in all 
our civil relations and offices, whether as private citizens, or 
public functionaries sworn to support the constitution of the 
United States, to regard and to treat the third clause of the 
fourth article of that instrument, whenever applied to the case 
of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and consequently 
as forming no part of the constitution of the United States, when- 
ever we are oalled upon or sworn to support it. 

20. Resolved, That the power given to Congress by the con- 
stitution, to provide for calling out the militia to suppress insur- 
rection, does not make it the duty of the government to maintain 
slavery by military force, much less does it make it the duty of 
the citizens to form a part of snch military force ; when freemen 
unsheathe the sword it should be to strike for liberty, not for 

21. Resolved, That to preserve the peace of the citizens, and 
secure the blessings of freedom, the legislature of each of the 
free states ought to keep in force suitable statutes renderino- it 
penal for any of its inhabitants to transport, or aid in transport- 
ing from such state, any person sought to be thus transported, 
merely because subject to the slave laws of any other state ; this 
remnant of independence being accorded to the free states by the 
decision of the Supreme Court, in the case of Prigg vs. the state 
of Pennsylvania. 



1. Resolved, That these principles may be summed as com- 
prising a well-regulated national currency: a tariff for revenue 
to^ defray the necessary expenses of the government, and dis- 
criminating with special reference to the protection of the do- 
mestic labor of the country ; the distribution of the proceeds 
from the sales of the public lands ; a single term for the presi- 
dency; a reform of executive usurpations ; and generally such 
an administration of the affairs of the country as shall impart to 
every branch of the public service the greatest practical efficiency, 
controlled by a well-regulated and wise economy. 



Resolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9, of the platform of 1840, 
were reaffirmed, to which were added the following : 

10. Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought 
to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the 
constitution, and that we are opposed to the laws lately adopted, 
and to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the 
states, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the con- 

11. Resolved, That we are decidedly opposed to taking from 
the President the qualified veto power by which he is enabled, 
under restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard 
the public interest, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits 
can not secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House 
of Representatives, until the judgment of the people can be ob- 
tained thereon, and which has thrice saved the American people 
from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the bank of the 
United States. 

12. Resolved, That our title to the whole of the territory of 
Oregon is clear and unquestionable ; that no portion of the same 
ought to be ceded to England or any other power, and that the 
reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexation of Texas at the 
earliest practicable period, are great American measures, which 
this convention recommends to the cordial support of the democ- 
racy of the Union. 



. That the American democracy place their trust 
the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice 
of the American people. 

2. Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of 
our political creed, which we are proud to maintain before the 
world, as the great moral element in a form of government 


springing from and upheld by the popular will ; and contrast it 
■with the creed and practice of federalism, under whatever name 
or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and 
which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular 

3. Resolved, Therefore, that entertaining these views, the 
Democratic party of this Union, through the delegates assem- 
bled in general convention of the states, coming together in a 
spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a 
free representative government, and appealing to their fellow- 
citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, renew and reassert 
before the American people, the declaration of principles 
avowed by them on a former occasion, wheu,in general conven- 
tion, they presented their candidates for the popular suffrage. 

Resolutions 1, 2, 3 and 4, of the platform of 1840, were re- 

That it is the duty of every branch of the gov- 
ernment to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in 
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought 
to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of 
the government, and for the gradual but certain extinction of 
the debt created by the prosecution of a just and necessary war; 
alter peaceful relations shall have been restored. 

Resolution 5, of the platform of 1840, was enlarged by the 
following : 

And that the results of democratic legislation, in this and all 
other financial measures, upon which issues have been made 
between the two political parties of the country, have demon- 
strated to careful and practical men of all parties, their sound- 
ness, safety and utility in all business pursuits. 

Resolutions 7, 8 aild 9, of the platform of 1840, were here 

13. Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to 
be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the consti- 
tution ; and that we are opposed to any law for the distribution 
of such proceeds among the states as alike inexpedient in policy 
and repugnant to the constitution. 

14. Resolved, That we are decidedly opposed to taking from 
the President the qualified veto power, by which he is enabled, 
under restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard 
the public interests, to suspend the passage of a bill whose 
merits can not secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate 
and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the peo- 
ple can be obtained thereon, and which has saved the American 
people from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank 
of the United States, and from a corrupting system of general 
internal improvements. 

15. Resolved, That the war with Mexico, provoked on her 
part by years of insult and injury, was commenced by her army 
crossing the Rio Grande, attacking the American troops, and 
invading our sister state of Texas, and upon all the principles 
of patriotism and the laws of nations, it is a just and neces- 
sary war-on our part, in which every American citizen should 
have shown himself on the side of his country, and neither 
morally nor physically, byword or by deed, have given "aid 
and comfort to the enemy." 

16. Resolved, That we would be rejoiced at the assurance 
of peace with Mexico, founded on the just principles of indem- 

nity for the past and security for the future ; but that while the 
ratification of the liberal treaty offered to Mexico remains in 
doubt, it is the duty of the country to sustain the administra- 
tion and to sustain the country in every measure necessary to 
provide for the vigorous prosecution of the war, should that 
treaty be rejected. 

17. Resolved, That, the officers and soldiers who have carried 
the arms of their country into Mexico, have orowned it. with 
imperishable glory. Their unconquerable courage, their dariii" 

assailed on all sides by innumerable foes and that more formid- 
able enemy— the diseases of the climate— exalt their devoted 
patriotism into the highest heroism, and give them a right to the 
profound gratitude of their country, and the admiration of the 

18. Resolved, That the Democratic National Convention of 
thirty states composing the American Republic, tender their fra- 
ternal congratulations to the National Convention of the Republic 
(if France, now assembled as the free sull'rnge representative of 
the sovereignty of thirty-five millions of Republicans, to estab- 
lish government on those eternal principles of equal rights, for 
which their La Fayette and our Washington fought side by side 
in the struggle for our national independence; and we would 
especially convey to them, and to the whole people of France, 
our earnest wishes for the consolidation of their liberties, 
through the wisdom that shall guide their councils, on the basis 
of a democratic constitution, not derived from the grants or 
concessions of kings or dynasties, but originating from the only 
true source of political power recognized in the states of this 
Union — the inherent and inalienable right of the people, in their 
sovereign capacity, to make and to amend their forms of gov- 
ernment in such manner as the welfare of the community may 

19. Resolved, That in view of the recent development of this 
grand political truth, of the sovereignty of the people and their 
capacity and power for self-government, which is prostrating 
thrones and erecting republics on the ruins of despotism in the 
old world, we feel that a high and sacred duty is devolved, 
with increased responsibility, upon the Democratic party of this 
country, as the party of the people, to sustain and advance 
among us constitutional liberty, equality, and fraternity, by 
continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for 
the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a 
vigilant and constant adherence to those principles and compro- 
mises of the constitution, which are broad enough and strong 
enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union 
as it is, and the Union as it shall be in the full expansion of the 
energies and capacity of this great and progressive people. 

20. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded, 
through the American minister at Paris, to the National Con- 
vention of the Republic of France. 

21. Resolved, That the frnits of the great political triumph 
of 1844, which elected James K. Polk and George M. Dallas, 
President and Vice-President of the United States, have ful- 
filled the hopes of the democracy of the Union in defeating the 
declared purposes of their opponents in creating a National 
Bank; in preventing the corrupt and unconstitutional distribu- 
tion of the land proceeds from the common treasury of the 
Union for local purposes ; in protecting the currency and labor 
of the country from ruinous fluctuations, and guarding the 
money of the country for the use of the people by the estab- 
lishment of the constitutional treasury ; in the noble impulse 


i'i,atkoi;ms ov tiik political parties. 

given to the cause of free trade by the repeal of the tariff of '42, 
and the creation of the more equal, honest, and productive 
tariff of 1846; and that, in our opinion, it would be a fatal 
error to weaken the bands of a political organization by which 
these great reforms have been achieved, and risk them in the 
hands of their known adversaries, with whatever delusive ap- 
peals they may solicit our surrender of that vigilance which is 
the only safeguard of liberty. 

22. Resolved, That the confidence of the democracy of the 
Union in the principles, capacity, firmness, and integrity of 
James K. Polk, manifested by his nomination and election in 
1844, has been signally justified by the strictness of his adher- 
ence to sound democratic doctrines, by the purity of purpose, 
the energy and ability, which have characterized his administra- 
tion in all our affairs at home and abroad ; that we tender 
to him our cordial congratulations upon the brilliant success 
which has hitherto crowned his patriotic efforts, and assure him 
in advance, that at the expiration of his presidential term he 
will carry with him to his retirement, the esteem, respect and 
admiration of a grateful country. 

23. Resolved, That this convention hereby present to the 
people of the United States Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as the 
condidate of the Democratic party for the office of President, 
and William 0. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-President of the 

United States. 



1. Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States, here as- 
sembled by their representatives, heartily ratify the nominations 
of General Zaehary Taylor as President, and Millard Fillmore 
as Vice-President, of the United States, and pledge themselves 
to their support. 

2. Resolved, That in the choice of General Taylor as the 
Whig candidate for President, we are glad to discover sympathy 
with a great popular sentiment throughout the nation— a senti- 
ment which, having its origin in admiration of great militaiy 
success, has been strengthened by the development, in every 
action and every word, of sound conservative opinions, and of 
true fidelity to the great example of former days, and to the 
principles of the constitution as administered by its founders. 

3. Resolved, That General Taylor, in saying that, had he 
voted in 1844, he would have voted the Whig ticket, gives us the 
assurance— and no better is needed from a consistent and truth- 
speaking man— that his heart was with -us at the crisis of our 
political destiny, when Henry Clay was our candidate, and when 
not only Whig principles were well defined and clearly asserted, 
but Whig measures depended on success. The heart that was 
with us then is with us now, and we have a soldier's word of 
honor, and a life of public and private virtue, as the security. 

4. Resolved, That we look on General Taylor's administra- 
tion of the government as one conducive of peace, prosperity and 
union ; of peace, because no one better knows, or has greater 
reason to deplore, what he has seen sadly on the field of victory, 
the horrors of war, and especially of a foreign and aggressive 

war ; of prosperity, now more than ever needed to relieve the 
nation from a burden of debt, and restore industry— agricultu- 
ral, manufacturing, and commercial — to its accustomed and 
peaceful functions and influences ; of union, because we have a 
candidate whose very position as a southwestern man, reared on 
the banks of the great stream whose tributaries, natural and 
artificial, embrace the whole Union, renders the protection of 
the interests of the whole country his first trust, and whose vari- 
ous duties in past life have been rendered, not on the soil, or 
under the flag of any state or section, but over the wide frontier, 
and under the broad banner of the nation. 

5. Resolved, That standing, as the Whig party does, on the 
broad and firm platform of the constitution, braced up by all its 
inviolable and sacred guarantees and compromises, and cherished 
in the affections, because protective of the interests of the people, 
we are proud to have as the exponent of our opinions, one who 
is pledged to construe it by the wise and generous rules which 
Washington applied to it, and who has said — and no Whig de- 
sires any other assurance — that he will make Washington's 
administration the model of his own. 

, That as Whigs and Americans, we are proud 
to acknowledge our gratitude for the great military services 
which, beginning at Palo Alto, and ending at Buena Vista, first 
awakened the American people to a just estimate of him who is 
now our Whig candidate. In the discharge of a painful duty — 
for his march into the enemy's country was a reluctant one ; in 
the command of regulars at one time, and volunteers at another, 
and of both combined ; in the decisive though punctual disci- 
pline of his camp, where all respected and loved him ; in the 
negotiation of terms for a dejected and desperate enemy ; in the 
exigency of actual conflict when the balance was perilously 
doubtful— we have found him the same— brave, distinguished, 
and considerate, no heartless spectator of bloodshed, no trifler 
with human life or human happiness ; and we do not know which 
to admire most, his heroism in withstanding the assaults of the 
enemy in the most hopeless fields of Buena Vista— mourning in 
generous sorrow over the graves of Ringgold, of Clay, or of 
Hardin— or in giving, in the heat of battle, terms of merciful 
capitulation to a vanquished foe at Monterey, and not being 
ashamed to avow that lie did it to spare women and children, 
helpless infancy and more helpless age, against whom no Ameri- 
can soldier ever wars. Such a military man, whose triumphs 
are neither remote nor doubtful, whose virtues these trials have 
tested, we are proud to make our candidate. 

7. Resolved, That in support of this nomination, we ask 
our Whig friends throughout the nation to unite, to co-operate 
zealousty, resolutely, with earnestness, in behalf of our candi- 
date, whom calumny can not reach, and with respectful demeanor 
to our adversaries, whose candidates have yet to prove their 
claims on the gratitude of the nation. 



Whereas, We have assembled in convention, as a union of 
freemen, for the sake of freedom, forgetting all past political 
difference, in a common resolve to maintain the rights of free 


labor against the aggression of the slave power, and to secure 
tree soil to a free people ; and, 

Whereas, The political conventions recently assembled at 
Baltimore and Philadelphia — the one stifling the voice of a 
great constituency, entitled to be heard in its deliberations, and 
the other abandoning its distinctive principles for mere availa- 
bility — have dissolved the national party organization hereto- 
fore existing, by nominating for the chief magistracy of the 
United States, under the slaveholding dictation, candidates, 
neither of whom can be supported by the opponents of slavery 
extension, without a sacrifice of consistency, duty, and self-re- 
spect ; and, 

Whereas, These nominations so made, furnish the occasion, 
and demonstrate the necessity of the union of the people under 
the banner of free democracy, in a solemn and formal declaration 
of their independence of the slave power, and of their fixed 
determination to rescue the Federal government from its con- 

1. Resolved, therefore, That we, the people here assembled, 
remembering the example of our fathers in the days of the first 
Declaration of Independence, putting our trust in God for the 
triumph of our cause, and invoking His guidance in our endeav- 
ors to advance it, do nowplant ourselves upon the national plat- 
form of freedom, in opposition to the sectional platform of 

2. Resolved, That slavery in the several states of this Union 
which recognize its existence, depends upon state laws alone, 
which can not be repealed or modified by the Federal govern- 
ment, and for which laws that government is not responsible. 
We therefore propose no interference by Congress with slavery 
within the limits of any state. 

3. Resolved. That the proviso of Jefferson, to prohibit the 
existence of slavery, after 1800, in all the territories of the United 
States, southern and northern ; the votes of six states and six- 
teen delegates, in the Congress of 1784, for the proviso, to three 
states and seven delegates against it ; the actual exclusion of 
slavery from the Northwestern Territory, by the Ordinance of 
1787, unanimously adopted by the states in Congress ; and the 
entire history of that period, clearly show that it was the 
settled policy of the nation not to extend, nationalize or encour- 
age, but to limit, localize and discourage,slavery ; and to this 
policy, which should never have been departed from, the gov- 
ernment ought to return. 

4. Resolved, That our fathers ordained the constitution of 
the United States, in order, among other great national objects, 
to establish justice, promote the general welfare, and secure 
the blessings of liberty ; but expressly denied to the Federal 
government, which they created, all constitutional power to 
deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due 
legal process. 

5. Resolved, That in the judgment of this convention, Con- 
gress has no more power to make a slave than to make a king ; 
no more power to institute or establish slavery than to institute 
or establish a monarchy ; no such power can be found among 
those specifically conferred by the constitution, or derived by 
just implication from them. 

6. Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal government 
to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence or con- 

tinuance of slavery wherever (he government possesses consti- 
tutional authority to legislate on that subject, and it is thus 
responsible for its existence. 

7. Resolved, That the true, and, in the judgment of this 
convention, the only safe means of preventing the extension of 
slavery into territory now free, is to prohibit its extension in all 
such territory by an act of Congress. 

8. Resolved, That we accept the issue which the slave 
power has forced upon us ; and to their demand for more slave 
states, and more slave territory, our calm but final answer is, 
no more slave states and no more slave territory. Let the soil 
of our extensive domains be kept free for the hardy pioneers of 
our own land, and the oppressed and banished of other lands, 
seeking homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the new 

9. Resolved, That the bill lately reported by the committee 
of eight in the Senate of the United States, was no compromise, 
but an absolute surrender of the rights of the non-slaveholders 
of all the states; and while we rejoice to know that a measure 
which, while opening the door for the introduction of slavery 
into the territories now free, would also have opened the door 
to litigation and strife among the future inhabitants thereof, to 
the ruin of their peace and prosperity, was defeated in the 
House of Representatives, its passage, in hot haste, by a major- 
ity, embracing several senators who voted in open violation of 
the known will of their constituents, should warn the people to 
see to it that their representatives be not suffered to betray 
them. There must be no more compromises with slavery ; if 
made, they must be repealed. 

10. Resolved, That we demand freedom and established 
institutions for our brethren in Oregon, now exposed to hard- 
ships, peril, and massacre, by the reckless hostility of the 
slave power to the establishment of free government and free 
territories ; and not only for them, but for our brethren in Cal- 
ifornia and New Mexico. 

11. Resolved, It is due not only to this occasion, but to the 
whole people of the United States, that we should also declare 
ourselves on certain other questions of national policy ; there- 

12. Resolved, That we demand cheap postage for the people ; 
a retrenchment of the expenses and patronage of the Federal 
government; the abolition of all unnecessary offices and sala- 
ries ; and the election by the people of all civil officers in the 
service of the government, so far as the same may be practicable. 

13. Resolved, That river and harbor improvements, when 
demanded by the safety and convenience of commerce with 
foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of 
national concern, and that it is the duty of Congress, in the 
exercise of its constitutional power, to provide therefor. 

14. Resolved, That the free grant to actual settlers, in con- 
sideration of the expenses they incur in making settlements in 
the wilderness, which are usually fully equal to their actual 
cost, and of the public benefits resulting therefrom, of reason- 
able portions of the public lands, under suitable limitations, is 
a wise and just measnre of public policy, which will promote 
in various ways the interests of all the states of (his Union ; 
and we, therefore, recommend it to the favorable consideration 
of the American people. 


ligations of honor and patriotism 
aymentof the national debt, and 
in-]] a tariff of duties as will raise 
ie necessary expenses of the Fed- 
installments of our debt 

1(5. Resolved, Th: 
require the earliest practical pi 
we are, therefore, in favor of si 
revenue adequate to defray th 
eral government, and to pay 
and the interest thereon. 

10. Resolved, That we inscribe on our banner, "Free Soil, 
Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men," and under it we will 
fight on, and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward 
our exertions. 

1 852. 


Resolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, of the platform of 1848, were 
reaffirmed, to which were added the following : 

8. Resolved, That it, is the duty of every branch of the 
government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in 
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought 
to be raised Hum is required to defray the necessary expenses 
of the government, and for the gradual but certain extinction of 
the public debt. 

9. Resolved, That Congress has no power to charter a Na- 
tional Bank ; that we believe such an institution one of deadly 
hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our 
republican instilulions and the liberties of the people, and cal- 
culated to place the business of the country within the control 
of a concentrated money power, and that, above the laws and 
the will of the people ; and that the results of Democratic legis- 
lation, in this and all other financial measures, upon which 
issues have been made between the t»<> political parties of the 
country, have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all 
parties, their soundness, safety, and utility, in all business 

10. Resolved, That the separation of the moneys of the 
government from banking institutions is indispensable for the 
safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the 

11. Resolved, That the liberal principles embodied by Jef- 
ferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in 
the constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the 
asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardi- 
nal principles in the Democratic faith ; and every attempt to 
abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of 
the soil among us, ought be resisted with the same spirit that 
swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute book. 

12. Resolved, That Congress has no power under the consti- 
tution to interfere with, or control, the domestic institutions of 
the several states, and that such states are the sole and proper 
judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not pro- 
hibited by the constitution ; that all efforts of the Abolitionists 
or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions 
of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are 
calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous oonse- 
quences ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency 
to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the 
stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be 
countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 

13. Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers, and is 
intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in 
Congress ; and therefore the Democratic party of the Union, 
standing on this national platform, will abide by, and adhere to, 
a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise 
measures settled by the last Congress, "the act for reclaiming 
fugitives from service or labor" included; which act, being 
designed to carry out an express provision of the constitution, 
can not, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so changed as to 
destroy or impair its efficiency. 

14. Resolved, That the Democratic party will resist all 
attempts at renewing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of 
the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt 
ma}' be made. 

[Here resolutions 13 

id 14, of the platform of 1848, were 

17. Resolved, That the Democratic party will faithfully 
abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky 
and Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and in the report of 
Mi. Madison to the Virginia Legislature in 1799 ; that it adopts 
those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of 
its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their 
obvious meaning and import. 

18. Resolved, That the war with Mexico, upon all the prin- 
ciples of patriotism and the law of nations, was a just and 
necessary war on our part, in which no American citizen should 
have shown himself opposed to his country, and neither mor- 
ally nor physically, by word or deed, given aid and comfort to 
the enemy. 

19. Resolved, That we rejoice at the restoration of friendly 
relations with our sister Republic of Mexico, and earnestly 
desire for her all the blessings and prosperity which we enjoy 
under republican institutions, and we congratulate the Ameri- 
can people on the results of that war which have so manifestly 
justified the policy and conduct of the Democratic party, and 
insured to the United States indemnity for the past and security 
for the future. 

20. Resolved, That, in view of the condition of popular 
institutions in the old world, a high and sacred duty is devolved 
with increased responsibility upon the Democracy of this coun- 
try, as the party of the people, to uphold and maintain the 
rights of every state, and thereby the union of states, and to 
sustain and advance among them constitutional liberty, by con- 
tinuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the 
benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant 
and constant adherence to those principles and compromises of 
the constitution which are broad enough and strong enough to 
embrace and uphold the Union as it is, and the Union as it 
should be, in the full expansion of the energies and capacity of 
this great and progressive people. 



The Whigs of the United States, in convention assembled, 
adhering to the great conservative principles by which they are 
controlled and governed, and now as ever relying upon the in- 


telligence of the American people, with an abiding confidence in 
their capacity for self-government and their devotion to the con- 
stitution and the Union, do proclaim the following as the polit- 
ical sentiments and determination for the establishment and 
maintenance of which their national organization as a party was 
effected : 

First, The Government of the United States is of a limited 
character, and is confined to the exercise of powers expressly 
granted by the constitution, and such as may be necessary and 
proper for carrying the granted powers into full execution, and 
that powers not granted or necessarily implied are reserved to 
the states respectively and to the people. 

Second. The state governments shonld be held secure to 
their reserved rights, and the General Government sustained in 
its constitutional powers, and that the Union should be revered 
and watched over as the palladium of our liberties. 

Third. That while struggling freedom everywhere enlists the 
•warmest sympathy of the Whig party, we still adhere to the 
doctrines of the Father of his Country, as announced in his 
Farewell Address, of keeping ourselves free from all entangling 
alliances with foreign countries, and of never quitting our own 
to stand upon foreign ground ; that our mission as a republic is 
not to propagate our opinions, or impose on other countries our 
forms of government, by artifice or force, but to teach by exam- 
ple, and show by our success, moderation and justice, the bless- 
ings of self-government, and the advantages of free institutions. 

Fourth. That, as the people make and control the govern- 
ment, they should obey its constitution, laws and treaties as 
they would retain their self-respect, and the respect which they 
claim and will enforce from foreign powers. 

Fifth. Governments should be conducted on the principles 
of the strictest economy ; and revenue sufficient for the expenses 
thereof, in time of peace, ought to be derived mainly from a 
duty on imports, and not from direct taxes ; and on laying such 
duties sound policy requires a just discrimination, and, when 
practicable, by specific duties, whereby suitable encouragement 
may be afforded to American industry, equally to all classes and 
to all portions of the country. 

Sixth. The constitution vests in Congress the power to open 
and repair harbors, and remove obstructions from navigable 
rivers, whenever such improvements are necessary for the com- 
mon defense, and for the protection and facility of commerce 
with foreign nations or among the states, said improvements be- 
ing in every instance national and general in their character. 

Seventh. The Federal and state governments are parts of 
one system, alike necessary for the common prosperity, peace 
and security, and ought to be regarded alike with a cordial, ha- 
bitual and immovable attachment. Respect for the authority of 
each, and acquiescence in the just constitutional measures of 
. each, are duties required by the plainest considerations of na- 
tional, state and individual welfare. 

Eighth. That the series of acts of the 32d Congress, the act 
known as the Fugitive Slave Law included, are received and 
acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settle- 
ment in principle and substance of the dangerous and exciting 
questions which they embrace ; and, so far as they are concerned, 
we will maintain them, and insist upon their strict enforcement, 
until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of fur- 
ther legislation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the 

one hand and the abuse of their powers on the other— nut im- 
pairing their present effioiency; and we deprecate all further 
agitation of the question thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, 
and will discountenance all efforts to continue or renew such 
agitation whenever, wherever or however the attempt may I"' 
made; and we will maintain the system as essential to the na- 
tionality of the Whig party, and the integrity of the Union. 



Having assembled in national convention as the democracy 
of the United States, united by a common resolve to maintain 
right against wrong, and freedom against slavery ; confiding in 
the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice of the 
American people ; putting our trust in God for the triumph of 
our cause, and invoking His guidance in our endeavors to ad- 
vance it, we now submit to the candid judgment of all men, the 
following declaration of principles and measures : 

1. That governments, deriving their just powers from the 
consent of the governed, are instituted among men to secure to 
all those inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness, with which they are endowed by their Creator, and 
of which none can be deprived by valid legislation, except for 

2. That the true mission of American democracy is to main- 
tain the liberties of the people, the sovereignty of the states, and 
the perpetuity of the Union, by the impartial application to pub- 
lic affairs, without sectional discriminations, of the fundamental 
principles of human rights, strict justice, and an economical 

3. That the Federal government is one of limited powers, 
derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power 
therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments 
and agents of the government, and it is inexpedient and danger- 
ous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 

4. That the constitution of the United States, ordained to 
form a more perfect Union, to establish justice, and secure the 
blessings of liberty, expressly denies to the general government 
all power to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, 
without due process of law ; and, therefore, the government, 
having no more power to make a slave than to make a king, and 
no more power to establish slavery than to establish a monarchy, 
should at once proceed to relieve itself from all responsibility 
for the existence of slavery, whereve 
power to legislate for its extinction. 


5. That, to the persevering and importunate demands of the 
slave power for more slave states, new slave territories, and the 
nationalization of slavery, our distinct and final answer is— no 
more slave states, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, 
and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves. 

6. That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against 
man which no human enactment nor usage can make right ; 
and 'that Christianity, humanity, and patriotism alike demand 
its abolition. 


7. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repugnant to the 
constitution, to the principles of the common law, to the spirit 
of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world; 
we, therefore, deny its binding force on the American people, 
and demand its immediate and total repeal. 

8. That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and 
not subject to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with 
the creed of the founders of our government, and is dangerous 
to the liberties of the people. 

9. That the acts of Congress, known as the Compromise 
measures of 18S0, by making the admission of a sovereign state 
contingent upon the adoption of other measures demanded by 
the special interests of slavery ; by their omission to guarantee 
freedom in the free territories; by their attempt to impose 
unconstitutional limitations on the powers of Congress and the 
1 I 1 '" to admit new states; by their provisions for the assump- 
tion of live millions of the state debt of Texas, and for the 
payment of live millions more, and the cession of large territory 
to the same state under menace, as an inducement to the relin- 
quishment of a groundless claim ; and by their invasion of the 
sovereignty of the states and the liberties of the people, through 
the enactment or an unjust, oppressive, and unconstitutional 
fugitive slave law, are proved to be inconsistent with' all the 
principles and maxims of democracy, and wholly inadequate 
to tiie settlement of the questions of which they are claimed to 
be an adjustment. 

10. That, no permanent settlement of the slavery question can 
be looked for except in the practical recognition of the truth 
that slavery is sectional and freedom national; by the total 
separation of the general government from slavery, and the 
exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the 
side of freedom ; and by leaving to the states the whole subject 
of slavery and the extradition of fugitives from service. 

_ 11. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the 
soil ; and that as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the 
right of all men to the soil is as sacred as their right to life itself. 

12. That the public lands of the United States belong to the 
people, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to 
corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit 
of the people, and should be granted in limited quantities, free 
of cost, to landless settlers. 

13. That due regard for the Federal constitution, a sound 
administrative policy, demand that the funds of the general 
government be kept separate from banking institutions; that 
inland and ocean postage should be reduced to the lowest possi- 
ble point; that no more revenue should be raised than is 
required to defray the strictly necessary expenses of the public 
service and to pay off the public debt ; and that the power and 
patronage of the government should be diminished by the aboli- 
tion of all unnecessary offices, salaries and privileges, and by 
the election by the people of all civil officers in the service of 
the United States, so far as may be consistent with the prompt 
and efficient transaction of the public business. 

14. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to 
the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations 
or among the several states, are objects of national concern; 
and it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitu- 
tional powers, to provide for the same. 

15. That emigrants and exiles from the old world should 
find a cordial welcome to homes of comfort and fields of enter- 

prise in the new; and every attempt to abridge their privilege 
of becoming citizens and owners of soil among us ought to be 
resisted with inflexible determination. 

16. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its 
own government, and to administer its own concerns in such 
manner as may best secure the rights and promote the happi- 
ness of the people ; and foreign interference with that right is a 
dangerous violation of the law of nations, against which all 
independent governments should protest, and endeavor by all 
proper means to prevent ; and especially is it the duty of the 
American government, representing the chief republic of the 
world, to protest against, and by all proper means to prevent, the 
intervention of kings and emperors against nations seeking to 
establish for themselves republican or constitutional govern- 

17. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognized 
by our government, and our commercial relations with it placed 
on the footing of the most favored nations. 

18. That as by the constitution, "the citizens of each state 
shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens 
in the several states," the practice of imprisoning colored sea- 
men of other states, while the vessels to which they belong lie in 
port, and refusing the exercise of the right to bring such cases 
before the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legal- 
ity of such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the constitu- 
tion, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, 
utterly inconsistent with the professions made by the slavehold- 
ers, that they wish the provisions of the constitution faithfully 
observed by every state in the Union. 

19. That we recommend the introduction into all treaties 
hereafter to be negotiated between the United States and foreign 
nations, of some provision for the amicable settlement of diffi- 
culties by a resort to decisive arbitrations. 

20. That the Free Democratic party is not organized to aid 
either the Whig or Democratic wing of the great slave compro- 
mise party of the nation, but to defeat them both ; and that re- 
pudiating and renouncing both as hopelessly corrupt and utterly 
unworthy of confidence, the purpose of the Free Democracy is 
to take possession of the Federal government and administer it 
for the better protection of the rights and interests of the whole 

21. That we inscribe on our banner Free Soil, Free Speech, 
Free Labor, and Free Men, and under it will fight on and fight 
ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions. 

22. That upon this platform, the convention presents to the 
American people, as a candidate for the office of President of 
the United States, John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and as a 
candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States, 
George W. Julian, of Indiana, and earnestly commend them to 
the support of all freemen and all parties. 



1. An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being for 
s protecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their successful 
volutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their de- 



scendants, in the preset-ration of the liberties, the independence, 
and the union of these states. 

2. The perpetuation of the Federal Union and constitution, 
as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the only 
sine bulwarks of Amelia 

3. Americans must rule America ; and to this end native- 
horn citizens should be selected for all state, federal, and mu- 
nicipal offices of government employment, in preference to all 
others. Nevertheless, 

4. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily 
abroad, should be entitled to all the rights of native-born 

5. No person should be selected for political station (whether 
of native or foreign birth), who recognizes any allegiance or ob- 
ligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or 
power, or who refuses to recognize the federal and state consti- 
tutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, 
as rules of political action. 

6. The unequaled recognition and maintenance of the re- 
served rights of the several states, and the cultivation of harmo- 
ny and fraternal good-will between the citizens of the several 
states, and, to this end, non-interference by Congress with ques- 
tions appertaining solely to the individual states, and non-inter- 
vention by each state with the affairs of any other state. 

7. The recognition of the right of native-born and natural- 
ized citizens of the United States, permanently residing in any 
territory thereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to 
regulate their domestic and social affairs in their own mode, 
subject only to the provisions of the federal constitution, with 
the privilege of admission into the Union whenever they have 
the requisite population for one Representative in Congress : 
Provided, always, that none but those who are citizens of the 
United States under the constitution and laws thereof, and who 
have a fixed residence in any such territory, ought to partici- 
pate in the formation of the constitution or in the enactment of 
laws for said territory or state. 

8. An enforcement of the principles that no state or territory 
ought to admit others than citizens to the right of suffrage or of 
holding political offices of the United States. 

9. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a contin- 
ued residence of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided 
for, an indispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and ex- 
cluding all paupers and persons convicted of crime from landing 
upon our shores ; but no interference with the vested rights of 

10. Opposition to any union between church and state ; no 
interference with religious faith or worship ; and no test-oaths for 

11. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged 
abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in public 

12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitu- 
tionally enacted, until said laws shall be repealed, or shall be 
declared null and void by competent judicial authority. 

13. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of the pres- 
ent administration in the general management of our national 

affairs, and more especially as shown in removing "Americans" 
(by designation) and conservatives in principle, from office, and 
placing foreigners and ultraists in their places; as shown in a 
truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cow- 
ardly bravado towards the weaker powers ; as shown in reopen- 
ing sectional agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 
mise ; as shown in granting to unnaturalized foreigners the right 
of suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska ; as show u in its vacillating 
course on the Kansas and Nebraska question ; as shown in the 
corruptions which pervade some of the departments of the gov- 
ernment ; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval officers 
through prejudice or caprice ; and as shown in the blundering 
mismanagement of our foreign relations. 

14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils and prevent the dis- 
astrous consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would 
build up the "American Party" upon the principles hereinbe- 
fore stated. 

'15. That each Btate council shall have authority to amend 
their several constitutions, so as to abolish the several degrees, 
and substitute a pledge of honor, instead of other obligations, 
for fellowship and admission into the party. 

16. A free and 
embraced in our plat 

of all political principles 


JUNE 6. 

Resolved, That the American democracy place their trust in 
the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of 
the American people. 

Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our 
political creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world 
as a great moral element in a form of government springing from 
and upheld by the popular will ; and we contrast it with the 
creed and practice of federalism, under whatever name or form, 
which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which con- 
ceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity. 

Resolved, therefore, That entertaining these views, the Dem- 
ocratic party of this Union, through their delegates, assembled 
in general convention, coming together in a spirit of concord, 
of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative 
government, and appealing to their fellow citizens for the recti- 
tude of their intentions, renew and reassert, before the Ameri- 
can people, the declaration of principles avowed by them, when, 
on former occasions, in general convention, they have presented 
their candidates for the popular suffrage. 

1. That the Federal government is one of limited power, 
derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power 
made therein ought to be strictly construed by all the depart- 
ments and agents of the government, and that it is inexpedient 
and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 

2. That the constitution does not confer upon the general 
government the power to commence and carry on a general sys- 
tem of internal improvements. 


3. That the constitution does not confer authority upon the 
Federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts 
of the several .stall's, contracted for local and internal improve- 
ments Or other slate purposes; nor would such assumption be 
just or expedient. 

4. That jus lice and sound policy forbid the Federal govern- 
ment to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of 
another, or to cherish the interests of one portion of our com- 
mon country ; thai every citizen and every section of the coun- 
try has a righi to demand and insist upon an equality of rights 
and privileges, and a complete and ample protection of persons 
and property from do Stic violence and foreign aggression. 

6. That it is the duty of every branch of the government to 
enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting our 
public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than 
is required lo defray the necessary expenses of the government 
and gradual but certain extinction of the public debt. 

6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be 
sacredly applied lo the national objects specilied in the consti- 
tution, and that we are opposed to any law for the distribution 
of such proceeds among the stales, as alike inexpedient in 
policy and repugnant to the constitution. 

7. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank ; 
that wo believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to 
the be I interests of this country, dangerous to our republican 
institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to 
place the business of the country within the control of a con- 
centrated money power and above the laws and will of the peo- 
ple ; and l he results of the democratic legislation in this and all 
other financial measures upon which issues have been made 
between the two political parties of the country, have demon- 
strated to candid and practical men of all parties their sound- 
ness, safety, and utility in all business pursuits. 

8. That the separation of the moneys of the government 
from banking institutions is indispensable to the safety of the 
funds of the government and the rights of the people. 

9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the Presi- 
dent the qualified veto power, by which he is enabled, under 
restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the 
public interests, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits 
can not secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, until the judgment of the people 
can be obtained thereon, and which has saved the American 
people from the corrupt and tyrannical dominion of the Bank of 
the United States and from a corrupting system of general inter- 
nal improvements. 

10. Thai the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the 
Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitu- 
tion, which makes outs the land of liberty and the asylum of 
the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal princi- 
ples in the democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the 
privilege of becoming citizens and owners of soil among us, 
ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien 
and sedition laws from our statute books. 

And whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was uniformly 
adopted by our predecessors in national conventions, an adverse 
political and religious test has been secretly organized by a 
party claiming to be exclusively Americans, and it is proper 
that the American democracy should clearly define its relations 

thereto; and declare its determined opposition to all secret po- 
litical societies, by whatever name they may be called — 

Resolved, That the foundation of this union of states having 
been laid in, and its prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent ex- 
ample in free government built upon, entire freedom of matters 
of religious concernment, and no respect of persons in regard to 
rank or place of birth, no party can justly be deemed national, 
constitutional, or in accordance with American principles,' which 
bases its exclusive organization upon religious opinions and 
accidental birth-place. And hence a political crusade in the 
nineteenth century, and in the United States of America, against 
Catholics and foreign-born, is neither justified by the past his- 
tory or future prospects of the country, nor in unison with the 
spirit of toleration and enlightened freedom which peculiarly 
distinguishes the American system of popular government. 

Resolved, That we reiterate with renewed energy of purpose 
the well-considered declarations of former conventions upon the 
sectional issue of domestic slaveiy, and concerning the reserved 
rights of the states— 

1. That Congress has no power under the constitution to 
interfere, with or control the domestic institutions of the several 
states, and that all such slates are the sole and proper judges of 
everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by 
the constitution ; that all efforts of the Abolitionists or others, 
made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, 
or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to 
lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that 
all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the 
happiness of the people and endanger the stability and perma- 
nency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any 
friend of our political institutions. 

2. That the foregoing proposition covers and was intended 
to embrace the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, 
and therefore the Democratic party of the Union, standing on 
this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful 
execution of the acts known as the compromise measures, set- 
tled by the Congress of 1850— "the act for reclaiming fugitives 
from service or labor" included ; which act, being designed to 
carry out an express provision of the constitution, can not, with 
fidelity thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to destroy or im- 
pair its efficiency. 

3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at re- 
newing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery 
question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be 

4. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and 
uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia 
resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison 
to the Virginia legislature in 1799 ; that it adopts these princi- 
ples as constituting one of the main foundations of its political 
creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious mean- 
ing and import. 

And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a 
sectional party, subsisting exclusively on slavery agitation, now 
relies to test the fidelity of the people, north and south, to the 
constitution and the Union— 

1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with and desiring the 
co-operation of all who regard the preservation of the Union 
under the constitution as the paramount issue, and repudiating 
all sectional parties and platforms concerning domestic slavery 



which seek to embroil the states and incite to treason and armed 
resistance to law in the territories, and whose avowed purpose, if 
consummated, must end in civil war and disunion, the American 
democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the 
organic laws establishing the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, 
as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery 
question, upon which the great national idea of the people of 
this whole country can repose in its determined conservation of 
the Union, and non-interference of Congress with slavery in the 
territories or in the District of Columbia. 

2. That this was the basis of the compromise of 1850, con- 
firmed by both the Democratic and Whig parties in national 
conventions, ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and 
rightly applied to the organization of the territories in 1854. 

3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic prin- 
ciples to the organization of territories and the admission of 
new states, with or without domestic slavery, as they may elect, 
the equal rights of all the states will be preserved intact, the 
original compacts of the constitution maintained inviolate, and 
the perpetuity and expansion of the Union insured to its utmost 
capacity of embracing, in peace and harmony, every future 
American state that may be constituted or annexed with a 
republican form of government. 

Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all 
the territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through 
the legally and fairly expressed will of the majority of the actu- 
al residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants 
justifies it, to form a constitution, with or without domestic 
slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect 
equality with the other states. 

Resolved, finally, That in view of the condition of the pop- 
ular institutions in the old world (and the dangerous tendencies 
of sectional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce 
civil and religious disabilities against the rights of acquiring and 
enjoying citizenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty is 
devolved, with increased responsibility, upon the Democratic 
party of this country, as the party of the Union, to uphold and 
maintain the rights of every state, and thereby the union of the 
states, and to sustain and advance among us constitutional lib- 
erty, by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legis- 
lation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, 
and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles 
and compromises of the constitution which are broad enough 
and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, 
the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be, in the full ex- 
pression of the energies and capacity of this great and progress- 
ive people. 

1. Resolved, That there are questions connected with the 
foreign policy of this country which are inferior to no domestic 
questions whatever. The time has come for the people of the 
United States to declare themselves in favor of free seas and pro- 
gressive free trade throughout the world, and, by solemn mani- 
festations, to place their moral influence at the side of their 
successful example. 

2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position 
with reference to the other states of this continent, no less than 
the interest of our commerce and the development of our grow- 
ing power, requires that we should hold sacred the principles 
involved in the Monroe doctrine. Their bearing and import 
admit, of no misconstruction, and should be applied with 
unbending rigidity. 

e, as well 
its main- 
ween the 
st impor- 

3. Resolved, That the great highway win 

tenance, lias marked out for free oommunics 
Atlantic and Pacific ooeans, constitutes one ol 
tant achievements realized by the spirit of mo 
unconquerable energy of our people ; and that result would be 
secured by a timely and effiolent exertion of the oontrol which 
we have the right to claim over it ; and no power on earth should 
be Buffered to impede or clog its progress by any interference 
with relations that may suit our policy to establish between our 
government and the governments of the states within whose do- 
minions it lies ; we can under no circumstances surrender our 
preponderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out 
of it. 

4. Resolved, That in view of so commanding an interest, 
the people of the United States can not but sympathize with the 
efforts which are being made by the people of Central America 
to regenerate that portion of the continent which covers the 
passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus. 

C. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expect of the 
next administration that every proper effort be made to insure 
our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain perma- 
nent protection to the great outlets through which are emptied 
into its waters the products raised out of the soil and the com- 
modities created by the industry of the people of our western 
valleys and of the Union at large. 

6. Resolved, That the administration of Franklin Pierce 
has been true to Democratic principles, and, therefore, true to 
the great interests of the country ; in the face of violent oppo- 
sition, he has maintained the laws at home and vindicated the 
rights of American citizens abroad, and, therefore, we proclaim 
our unqualified admiration of his measures and policy. 



This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a 
call addressed to the people of the United States, without re- 
gard to past political differences or divisions, who are opposed 
to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the 
present administration, to the extension of slavery into free 
territory ; in favor of admitting Kansas as a free state, of restor- 
ing the action of the Federal government to the principles of 
Washington and Jefferson; and who purpose to unite in present- 
ing candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, 
do resolve as follows : 

Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles promul- 
gated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the 
federal constitution, is essential to the preservation of our 
Republican institutions, and that the federal constitution, the 
rights of the states, and the union of the states, shall be pre- 

Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold it to be 
a self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalien- 
able rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and 
that the primary object and ulterior design of our Federal 


government were, to secure these rights to all persons within 
its exclusive jurisdiction ; that as our republican fathers, when 
they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, 
ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or 
property, without due process of law, it becomes our duty to 
maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts 
.to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any terri- 
tory of the United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its 
existence or extension therein. That we deny the authority of 
Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individual or asso- 
ciation of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any 
territory of the United States, while the present constitution 
shall be maintained. 

Resolved, That the constitution confers upon Congress 
sovereign powerover the territories of the United States for their 
government, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the 
right and the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the 
territories those twin relics of barbarism— polygamy and slavery. 

Resolved, That while the constitution of the United States 
was ordained and established, in order to form a more perfect 
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for 
the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure 
the blessings of liberty, and contains ample provisions for the 
protection of the life, liberty,and property of every citizen, the 
dearest constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have been 
fraudulently and violently taken from them ; their territory has 
been invaded by an armed force; spurious and pretended legis- 
lative, judicial, and executive oltieel'S have been set over them, 
by whose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of 
the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been 
enacted and enforced ; the rights of the people to keep and bear 
arms have been infringed; test oaths of an extraordinary and 
entangling nature have been imposed, as a condition of exercis- 
ing the right of suffrage and holding office ; the right of an ac- 
cused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury 
has been denied ; the right of the people to be secure in their 
persons, houses, papers,and effects against unreasonable searches 
and seizures, has been violated ; they have been deprived of life, 
liberty.and property without due process of law ; that the free- 
dom of speech and of the press lias been abridged ; the right to 
choose their representatives has been made of no effect; mur- 
ders, robberies, and arsons have been instigated or encouraged, 
and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished ; that all' 
these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and 
procurement of the present national administration ; and that 
for this high crime against the constitution, the Union, and hu- 
manity, we arraign the administration, the President, his advisers, 
agents, supporters, apologists, and accessories, either before or 
after the facts, before the country and before the world ; and 
that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of 
these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a sure and 
condign punishment hereafter. 

Resolved, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as a 
state of the Union with her present free constitution, as at once 
the most effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment 
of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, and of 
ending the civil strife now raging in her territory. 

Resolved, That the highwayman's plea that "might makes 
right," embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect 
unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and 
dishonor upon any government or people that gave it their 

Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific ocean, by the most 
central and practicable route, is imperatively demanded by the 
interests of the whole country, and that the Federal government 
ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, 
and, as an auxiliary thereto, the immediate construction of an 
emigrant route on the line of the railroad. 

Resolved, That appropriations of Congress for the improve- 
ment of rivers and harbors of a national character, required for 
the accommodation and security of our existing commerce, are 
authorized by the constitution, and justified by the obligation of 
government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 

Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and co-operation of 
the men of all parties, however differing from us in other 
respects, in support of the principles herein declared ; and 
believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well as the con- 
stitution of our country, guarantees liberty of conscience and 
equality of rights among citizens, we oppose all proscriptive 
legislation affecting their security. 



Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States, now here 
assembled, hereby declare their reverence for the constitution of 
the United States, their unalterable attachment to the National 
Union, and a fixed determination to do all in their power to 
preserve them for themselves and their posterity. They have 
no new principles to announce; no new platform to establish ; 
but are content to broadly rest— where their fathers rested — 
upon the constitution of the United States, wishing no safer 
guide, no higher law. 

Resolved, That we regard with the deepest interest and 
anxiety the present disordered condition of our national affairs— 
a portion of the count]-}' ravaged by civil war, large sections of 
our population embittered by mutual recriminations ; and we 
distinctly trace these calamities to the culpable neglect of duty 
by the present national administration. 

Resolved, That the government of the United States was 
formed by the conjunction in political unity of wide-spread 
geographical sections, materially differing, not only in climate 
and products, but in social and domestic institutions ; and that 
any cause that shall permanently array the different sections of 
the Union in political hostility and organize parties founded, 
only on geographical distinctions, must inevitably prove fatal to 
a continuance of the National Union. 

Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States declare, as a 
fundamental article of political faith, an absolute necessity for 
avoiding geographical parties. The danger, so clearly discerned 
by the Father of his Country, has now become fearfully appa- 
rent in the agitation now convulsing the nation, and must be 
arrested at once if we would preserve our constitution and our 
Union from dismemberment, and the name of America from 
being blotted out from the family of civili 

Resolved, That all who revere the constitution and the Union, 
must look with alarm at the parties in the field in the present 
presidential campaign— one claiming only to represent 


northern states, and the other appealing mainly to the passions 
and prejudices of the southern states ; that the success of either 
faction must add fuel to the flame which now threatens to wrap 
our dearest interests in a common ruin. 

Resolved, That the only remedy for an evil so appalling is 
to support a candidate pledged to neither of the geographical 
sections nor arrayed in political antagonism, but holding both 
in a just and equal regard. We congratulate the friends of the 
Union that such a candidate exists in Millard Fillmore. 

Resolved, That, without adopting or referring to the peculiar 
doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore 
as a candidate, we look to him as a well tried and faithful friend 
of the constitution and the Union, eminent alike for his wisdom 
and firmness— for his justice and moderation in our foreign rela- 
tions—for his calm and pacific temperament, so well becoming 
the head of a great nation— for his devotion to the constitution 
in its true spirit— his inflexibility in executing the laws ; but, 
beyond all these attributes, in possessing the one transcendent 
merit of being a representative of neither of the two sectional 
parties now struggling for political supremacy. <■ 

Resolved, That, in the present exigency of political affairs, 
we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of 
administration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of 
the government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, 
and that the Union is in peril ; and we proclaim the conviction 
that the restoration of Mr. Fillmore to the presidency will fur- 
nish the best if not the only means of restoring peace. 



MAY 9. 

Wliereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopt- 
ed by the partisan conventions of the country have had the 
effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time 
to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation 
and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties ; 

Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty 
to recognize no political principles other than The Constitution 
of the Country, the Union of the States, and the En- 
forcement of the Laws ; and that as representatives of the 
Constitutional Union men of the country, in national convention 
assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and 
defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public 
liberty and national safety against all enemies at home and 
abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be restored 
to the country, the rights of the people and of the states re-estab- 
lished, and the government again placed in that condition of 
justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under the example and 
constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of 
the United States to maintain a more perfect union, establish 
justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common 
defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings 
of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. 



Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Re- 
publican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, 
in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our 
country, unite in the following declarations: 

1. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, 
has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organi- 
zation and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the 
causes which called it into existence are permanent in their na- 
ture, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and 
constitutional triumph. 

2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in 
the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the federal 
constitution, "That all men are created equal; that they are 
endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that 
to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, 
deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is 
essential to the preservation of our republican institutions ; and 
that the federal constitution, the rights of the states, and the 
union of the states, must and shall be preserved. 

3. That to the union of the states this nation owes its unpre- 
cedented increase in population, its surprising development of 
material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happi- 
ness at home and its honor abroad ; and we hold in abhorrence 
all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may ; 
and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of 
Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so 
often made by Democratic members, without rebuke and with 
applause from their political associates ; and we denounce those 
threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their 
ascendency, as denying the vital principles of a free government, 
and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the im- 
perative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and 
forever silence. 

4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, 
and especially the right of each state to order and control its 
own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclu- 
sively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the per- 
fection and endurance of our political fabric depends ; and we 
denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of 
any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among 
the gravest of crimes. 

5. That the present Democratic administration has far ex- 
ceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency 
to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in 
its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton consti- 
tution upon the protesting people of Kansas ; in construing the 
personal relations between master and servant to involve an 
unqualified property in persons ; in its attempted enforcement, 
everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Con- 
gress and of the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a 
purely local interest ; and in its general and unvarying abuse 
of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people. 

6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless ex- 
travagance which pervades every department of the Federal 


platforms fjr run political parties. 

government ; that a return to rigid economy and accountability 
is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public 
treasury by favored partisans ; while the recent startling devel- 
opments of frauds and corruptions at the federal metropolis, 
show that an entire change of administration is imperatively 

7. That the new dogma, that the constitution, of its own 
force, carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the 
United States, isa dangerous political heresy, at variance with the 
explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contempora- 
neous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent — 
is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and 
harmony of the country. 

8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the 
United States is that of freedom ; that as our republican fathers, 
when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, 
ordained that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or 
property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, 
by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to main- 
tain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to 
violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territo- 
rial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to 
slavery in any territory of the United States. 

0. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave 
trade, under the cover of our national Hag, aided by perversions 
of judicial power, as a crime 'against humanity and a burning 
shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to 
take prompt and efficient measures for the total and iinal sup- 
pression of that execrable traffic. 

10. That in the recent vetoes, by their federal governors, of 
(he acts of the legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting 
slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the 
boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular 
sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a dem- 
onstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. 

11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted 
as a state under the constitution recently formed and adopted 
by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. 

12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the 
general government by duties upon imports^sound policy re- 
quires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage 
the development of the industrial interest of the whole country ; 
and we commend that policy of national exchanges which se- 
cures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remuner- 
ative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate 
reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation 
commercial prosperity and independence. 

13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others 
of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any 
view of the homestead policy which regards the settlers as 
paupers or suppliants for public bounty ; and we demand the 
passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead 
measure which has already passed the House. 

14. That the Republican party is opposed to anv change 
in our naturalization laws, o, any state legislation by which the 
lights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from for- 
eign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giv- 
ing a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of 
citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 

15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor 
improvements of a national character, required for the accom- 
modation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized 
by the constitution and justified by the obligations of govern- 
ment to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 

16. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean is imperatively de- 
manded by the interest of the whole country ; that the Federal 
government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its 
construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland 
mail should be promptly established. 

17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles 
and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however 
differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in 
their affirmance and support. 



1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in con- 
vention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolu- 
tions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of 
principles by the Democratic convention at Cincinnati, in the 
year 185G, believing that democratic principles are unchangeable 
in their nature when applied to the same subject-matters ; and 
we recommend, as the only further resolutions, the following : 

Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic 
party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial 
legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under 
the constitution of the United States, over the institution of 
slavery within the territories : 

2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the 
decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the 
questions of constitutional law. 

3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to 
afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether 
at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. 

4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a 
military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy com- 
munication between the Atlantic and Pacific states ; and the 
Democratic party pledge such constitutional government aid as 
will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at 
the earliest practicable period. 

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the 
acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be 
honorable to ourselves and just to Spain. 

6. Resolved, That the enactments of state legislatures to 
defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are 
hostile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolu- 
tionary in their effect. 

7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true inter- 
pretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence 
of the territorial governments, the measure of restriction, what- 

rr. atriums of the rm.n'H'Ai. parties. 

ever it may be, imposed by the federal constitution on the 
power of the territorial legislature over the subject of domestic 
relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally 
determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, shall be 
respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness 
and fidelity by every branch of the general government. 



Resolved, That the platform adopted by (lie Democratic party 
at Cincinnati be affirmed, with following explanatory resolutions: 

1. That the government, of a territory, organized by an act 
of Congress, is provisional and temporary ; and, during its 
existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right 
to settle, with their property, in the territory, without their 
rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or im- 
paired by congressional or territorial legislation. 

2. That it is the duty of the Federal government, in all its 
departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons 
and property in the territories, and wherever else its constitu- 
tional authority < 

3. That when the settlers in a territory having an adequate 
population form a state constitution in pursuance of law, the 
right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by 
admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with 
the people of other states, and the state thus organized ought to 
be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution 
prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery. 

4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition 
of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to 
ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. 

5. That the enactments of state legislatures to defeat the 
faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in char- 
acter, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their 

6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as 
the imperative duty of this government to protect the natural- 
ized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, 
to the same extent as its native-born citizens. 

Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a polit- 
ical, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy 
communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts; there- 
fore, be it 

Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge them- 
selves to use every means in their power to secure the passage 
of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of 
Congress, for the construction of a Pacific railroad from the 
Mississippi liver to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable 



1. That the Federal Union shall be preserved. 

2. That the constitution and laws of the United States must 
be observed and obeyed. 

3. That the Rebellion must be suppressed by force of arms, 
and without compromise. 

4. That the rights of free speech, free press, and the habeas 
corpus be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has 
been proclaimed. 

5. That the Rebellion has destroyed slavery ; and the fed- 
eral constitution should be so amended as to prohibit its re-estab- 
lishment, and to secure to all men absolute equality before the 


6. That integrity and economy are demanded, at all times, 
in the administration of the government, and that in time of war 
the want of them is criminal. 

7. That the right of asylum, except for crime and subject to 
law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; and that 
any violation of it can not be overlooked, and must not go unre- 

8. That the national policy known as the "Monroe Doc- 
trine" has become a recognized principle; and that the estab- 
lishment of an anti-republican government on this continent by 
any foreign power can not be; tolerated. 

9. That the gratitude .and support of the nation are due to 
the faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army 
and navy, for their heroic achievements and deathless valor in 
defense of our imperiled country and of civil liberty. 

10. That the one-term policy for the presidency, adopted by 
the people, is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, 
and should be maintained by constitutional amendment. 

11. That the constitution should be so amended that the 
President and Vice-President shall be elected by a direct vote of 
the people. 

12. That the question of the reconstruction of the rebellious 
states belongs to the people, through their representatives in 
Congress, and not to the Executive. 

13. That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and 
their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a 
measure of justice. 



Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citi- 
zen to maintain, against all their enemies, the integrity of the 
Union and the paramount authority of the constitution and 
laws of the United °'-' 

and that, laying aside all differences 


of political opinions, we pledge ourselves, as Union men, ani- 
mated by a common sentiment and aiming at a common object, 
to do everything in our power to aid the government in quelling, 
by forceof arms, the Rebellion now raging against its authority, 
and in bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the rebels 
and traitors arrayed against it. 

Resolved, That we approve the determination of the gov- 
ernment of the United States not to compromise with rebels, 
nor to offer them any terms of peace, except such as may be 
based upon an "unconditional surrender" of their hostility 
and a return to their just allegiance to (he constitution and laws 
of the United States ; and that we call upon the government to 
maintain (his position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost 
possible vigor to the complete suppression of the Rebellion, in 
full reliance upon the self-sacrifloing patriotism, the heroic 
valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to the 
country and its free institutions. 

Resolved, That, as slavery was the cause, and now consti- 
tutes the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be always 
and everywhere hostile to the principles of republican govern- 
ment, justice and the national safety demand its utter and 
complete extirpation from the soil of the Republic ; and that 
we uphold and maintain the ads and proclamations by which 
the government, in its own defense, has aimed a death-blow at 
this gigantic evil. We are in favor, furthermore, of such an 
amendment to the constitution, to be made by the people in 
conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever 
prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits or the juris- 
diction of the United Stales. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due 
to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have 
periled their lives in defense of their country and in vindication 
of the honor of its flag ; that the nation owes to them some per- 
manent recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and 
ample and permanent provision for those of their survivors who 
have received disabling and honorable wounds in the service of 
the country ; and that the memories of those who have fallen 
in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remem- 

Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wis- 
dom, the unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity to the 
constitution and the principles of American liberty with which 
Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of un- 
paralleled difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of 
the presidential office ; that we approve and indorse, as demand- 
ed by the emergency and essential to the preservation of the 
nation, and as within the provisions of the constitution, the 
measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the nation 
against its open and secret foes ; that we approve, especially, 
the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment, as 
Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in slavery ; and that we 
have full confidence in his determination to carry these, and all 
other constitutional measures essential to the salvation of the 
country, into full and complete effect. 

Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare 
that harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we 
regard as worthy of public confidence and official trust those 
only who cordially indorse the principles proclaimed in these 
resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of 
the government. 

Resolved, That the government owes to all men employed in 
its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full pro- 

tection of the laws of war ; and that any violation of these 
laws, or of the usages of civilized nations in the time of war, by 
the rebels now in arms, should be made the subject of prompt 
and full redress. 

Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has 
added so much to the wealth, development of resources, and 
increase of power to this nation — the asylum of the oppressed 
of all nations — should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal 
and just policy. 

Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of 
the railroad to the Pacific coast. 

Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption 
of the public debt, must be kept inviolate ; and that, for this 
purpose, we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the 
public expenditures and a vigorous and just system of taxation; 
and that it is the duty of every loyal state to sustain the credit 
and promote the use of the national currency. 

Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the govern- 
ment, that the people of the United States can never regard with 
indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow 
by force, or to supplant by fraud, the institutions of any repub- 
lican government on the western continent, and that they will 
view with extreme jealousy, as^menacing to the peace and inde- 
pendence of this, our country, the efforts of any such power to 
obtain new footholds for monarchical governments, sustained 
by a foreign military force, in near proximity to the United 



Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere 
with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the constitution, as 
the only solid foundation of our strength, security, and happi- 
ness as a people, and as a frame-work of government equally 
conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the states, both 
northern and southern. 

, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the 
sense of the American people, that after four years of failure 
to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, 
under the pretense of a military necessity of a war power 
higher than the constitution, the constitution itself has been 
disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right 
alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country 
essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public 
welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation 
of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all the 
states, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest 
practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the 
federal union of all the states. 

Resolved, That the direct interference of the military author- 
ity of the United States in the recent elections held in Ken- 
tucky, Maryland, Missouri; and Delaware, was a shameful 
violation of the constitution ; and the repetition of such acts 
in the approaching election will be held as revolutionary, and 
resisted with all the means and power under our control. 


Hesolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party 
is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the states un- 
impaired ; and they hereby declare that they consider the ad- 
ministrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers 
not granted by the constitution, the subversion of the civil by 
military law in states not in insurrection, the arbitrary military 
arrest, imprisonment, trial, and sentence of American citizens 
in states where civil law exists in full force, the suppression of 
freedom of speech and of the press, the denial of the right of 
asylum, the open and avowed disregard of state rights, the em- 
ployment of unusual test-oaths, and the interference with and 
denial of the right of the people to bear arms in their defense, 
as calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and the 
perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers from the 
consent of the governed. 

Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the administration 
to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now are, and 
long have been, prisoners of war, in a suffering condition, de- 
serves the severest reprobation, on the score alike of public 
policy and common humanity. 

Hesolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is 
heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and 
the sailors of our navy, who are and have been in the field and 
on the sea under the flag of their country ; and, in the event of 
our attaining power, they will receive all the care and protec- 
tion, regard and kindness, that the brave soldiers of the Repub- 
lic have so nobly earned. 



1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of 
the reconstruction policy of Congress, as evidenced by the adop- 
tion, in the majority of the states lately in rebellion, of consti- 
tutions securing equal civil and political rights to all ; and it is 
the duty of the government to sustain those institutions and to 
prevent the people of such states from being remitted to a state 
of anarchy. 

2. The guarantee by Congress of equal stiff rage to all loyal 
men at the south was demanded by every consideration of pub- 
lic safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained ; 
while the question of suffrage in all the loyal states properly 
belongs to the people of those states. 

3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national 
crime ; and the national honor requires the payment of the 
public indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors 
at home and abroad, not only according to the letter but the 
spirit of the laws under which it was contracted. 

4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should 
be equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will 

5. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the pres- 
ervation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended 
over a fair period for redemption ; and it is the duty of Congrc - 
to reduce the rate of interest thereon 

6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is to 
so improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money 
at lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue 
to pay, so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, 
is threatened or suspected. 

7. The government of the United States should be adminis- 
tered with the strictest economy ; and the corruptions which 
have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew John- 
son call loudly for radical reform. 

8. We profoundly deplore the tragic death of Abraham 
Lincoln, and regret the accession to the presidency of Andrew 
Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected 
him and the cause. he was pledged to support ; who has usurped 
high legislative and judicial functions ; who has refused to exe- 
cute the laws ; who has used his high office to induce other 
officers to ignore and violate the laws; who has employed his 
executive powers to render insecure the property, the peace, lib- 
erty, and life of the citizen; who lias abused Hie pardoning 
power ; who has denounced the national legislature as unconsti- 
tutional; who has persistently and oorruptly resisted, by every 
means in his power, every proper attempt at. the reconstruction 
of the states lately in rebellion ; who has perverted the public 
patronage into an engine of wholesale corruption ; and who has 
been justly impeached for high orimes and misdemeanors, and 
properly pronounced guilty thereof by the vote of thirty-five 

9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European pow- 
ers, that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must 
be resisted at every hazard by the United Stales, as a relic of 
feudal times, not authorized by the laws of nations, and at, war 
with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens 
are entitled to protection in all their rights of citizenship as 
though they were native-born; and no citizen of the United 
>e liable to arrest and impris- 
icts done or words spoken in 

States, native or na 
onment by any for 


sd, it is the duty 

,-henever it can be honestly 

this country ; and, if so arrested and imprisc 
of the government to interfere in his behalf. 

10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, 
there were none entitled to more especial honor than the brave 
soldiers and seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and 
cruise, and imperiled their lives in the service of the country. 
The bounties and pensions provided by the laws for these brave 
defenders of the nation are obligations never to be forgotten ; 
the widows and orphans of the gallant dead are the wards of 
the people— a sacred legacy bequeathed to the nation's protect- 
ing care. 

11. Foreign immigration, which in the past has added so 
much to the wealth, development, and resources, and increase of 
power to this Republic, the asylum of the oppressed of all na- 
tions, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just 

12. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all 
ho are struggling for their rights. 

13. That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and 
forbearance with which men who have served in the Rebellion, 
but who now frankly and honestly co-operate with us in restor- 
ing the peace of the country and reconstructing the southern 
state governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal 

rights, are received back into the comnrunii 
and we favor the removal of the disqua 

loyal people 

H.ATKOIMI.- HI 'I ill. POM I n \l P.UITIES. 

tions imposed upon the late rebels, in the same measure as the 
spirit of disloyalty shall die out, and as may be consistent with 
the safety of the loyal people. 

14. That we recognize the great principles laid down in the 
immortal Declaration of Independence, as the true foundation 
of democratic government; and we hail with gladness every 
effort toward making these principles a living reality on every 
inch of American soil. 



The Democratic party, in national convention assembled, re- 
posing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating 
justice of the people, standing upon the constitution as the 
foundation and limitation of the powers of the government and 
the guarantee of the liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the 
questions of slavery and secession as having been settled, for all 
time to come, by the war or the voluntary action of the southern 
slates in constitutional conventions assembled, and never to be 
revived or reagitated, do, with the return of peace, demand— 

1. Immediate restoration of all the states to their rights in 
the Union under the constitution, and of civil government to the 
American people. 

2. Amnesty for all past political offenses, and the regulation 
of the elective franchise in the states by tin 

3. Pay ment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly 
as practicable— all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, 
except, so much as is requisite for the necessities of the govern- 
ment, economically administered, being honestly applied to such 
payment ; and where the obligations of the government do not 
expressly state upon their face, or the law under which they 
were issued does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they 
ought, in right and in justice, to be paid in the lawful money of 
the United States. 

4. Equal taxation of every species of property according to 
its real value, including government bonds and other public 

5. One currency for the government and the people, the 
laborer and the office-holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the 
producer and the bondholder. 

6. Economy in the administration of the government ; the 
reduction of the standing army and navy ; the abolition of the 
Preedmen's Bureau and all political instrumentalities designed 
to secure negro supremacy ; simplification of the system and 
discontinuance of inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting 
internal revenue ; that the burden of taxation may be equalized 
and lessened, and the credit of the government and the currency 
made good ; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the state 
militia into national forces in time of peace ; and a tariff for 
revenue upon foreign imports, and such equal taxation under 
the internal revenue laws as will afford incidental protection to 
domestic manufactures, and as will, without impairing the reve- 
nue, impose the least burden upon, and best promote and en- 
courage, the great industrial interests of the country. 

7. Reform of abuses in the administration ; the expulsion 
of corrupt men from office ; the abrogation of useless offices ; 
the restoration of rightful authority to, and the independence 
of, the executive and judicial departments of the government ; 
the subordination of the military to the civil power, to the end 
that the usurpations of Congress and the despotism of the sword 
may cease. 

8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native- 
born citizens, at home and abroad ; the assertion of American 
nationality which shall command the respect of foreign powers, 
and furnish an example and encouragement to people struggling 
for national integrity, constitulional liberty, and individual 
rights ; and the maintenance of the rights of naturalized citizens 
against the absolute doctrine of immutable allegiance and the 
claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crimes com- 
mitted beyond their jurisdiction. 

In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the 
Radical party for its disregard of right and the unparalleled 
oppression and tyranny which have marked its career. After 
the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of 
Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance 
of the government and the preservation of the Union under the 
constitution, it has repeatedly violated that most sacred pledge 
under which alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which 
carried our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union, 
it has, so far as in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten 
states, in time of profound peace, to military despotism and 
negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by 
jury ; it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred 
writ of liberty ; ,it has overthrown the freedom of speech and 
press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, and 
military trials and secret star-chamber inquisitions, for the 
constitutional tribunals ; it has disregarded, in time of peace, 
the right of the people to be free from searches and seizures ; it 
has entered the post and telegraph offices, and even the private 
rooms of individuals, and seized their private papers and letters, 
without any specific charge or notice of affidavit, as required 
by the organic law. It has converted the American capitol into 
a bastile ; it has established a system of spies and official espion- 
age to which no constitutional monarchy of Europe would now 
dare to resort. Iihas abolished the right of appeal, on impor- 
tant constitutional questions, to the supreme judicial tribunals, 
and threatens to curtail or destroy its original jurisdiction, 
which is irrevocably vested by the constitution ; while the learned 
Chief Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calum- 
nies, merely because he would not prostitute his high office to 
the support of the false and partisan charges preferred against 
the President. Its corruption and extravagance have exceeded 
anything known in history ; and, by its frauds and monopolies, 
it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created by the 
war. It has stripped the President of his constitutional power 
of appointment, even of his own cabinet. Under its repeated 
assaults, the pillars of the government are rocking on their base ; 
and should it succeed in November next, and inaugurate its 
President, we will meet, as a subjected and conquered people, 
amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the 

And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of 
the United States threw off all subjection to the British crown, 
the privilege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several 
states, and have been granted, regulated, and controlled ex- 
clusively by the political power of each state respectively ; and 
that any attempt by Congress, on any pretext whatever, to . 
deprive any state of this right, or interfere with its exercise, is a 


flagrant usurpation of power which can find no warrant in the 
constitution, and, if sanctioned by the people, will subvert our 
form of government, and can only end in a single, centralized, 
and consolidated government, in which the separate existence of 
the states will be entirely absorbed, and an unqualified despotism 
be established in place of a federal union of co-equal states. 
And that we regard the construction acts (so called) of Congress 
as usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void. 

That our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our 
country to victory against the most gallant and determined foe, 
must ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees 
given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution. 

That the public lands should be distributed as widely as 
possible among the people, and should be disposed of either 
under the pre-emption of homestead lands or sold in reasonable 
quantities,and to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price 
established by the government. When grants of public lands 
may be allowed, necessary for the encouragement of important 
public improvements, the proceeds of the sale of such lands, 
and not the lands themselves, should be so applied. 

That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in 
exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggres- 
sions of Congress upon the constitutional rights of the states 
and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole Amer- 
ican people ; and, on behalf of the Democratic party, we tender 
him our thanks for his patriotic efforts in that regard. 

Upon this platform, the Democratic party appeal to every 
patriot, including all the conservative element and all who desire 
to support the constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all 
past differences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great 
struggle for the liberties of the people ; and that to all such, to 
whatever party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend 
the right hand of fellowship, and hail all such, co-operating 
with us, as friends and brethren. 

Resolved, That this convention sympathizes cordially with 
the workingmen of the United States in their efforts to protect 
the rights and interests of the laboring classes of the country. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the convention are tendered to 
Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, for the justice, dignity, and im- 
partiality with which he presided over the court of impeachment 
on the trial of President Andrew Johnson. 



We hold that all political power is inherent in the people, 
and free government founded on their authority and established 
for their benefit ; that all citizens are equal in political rights, 
entitled to the largest religious and political liberty compatible 
with the good order of society, as also the use and enjoyment of 
the fruits of their labor and talents ; and no man or set of men 
is entitled to exclusive separable endowments and privileges or 
immunities from the government, but in consideration of public 
services ; and any laws destructive of these fundamental prin- 
ciples are without moral binding force, and should be repealed. 
And believing that all the evils resulting from unjust legislation 

now affecting the industrial classes can be removed by the adop- 
tion of the principles contained in the following declaration : 

Resolved, That it is the duty of the government to 
a just standard of distribution of capital and labor, by providing 
a purely national circulating medium, based on the faith and 
resources of the nation, issued directly to the people without 
the intervention of any system of banking corporations, which 
money shall be legal tender in the payment of all debts, public 
and private, and interchangeable, at the option of the holder, 
for government bonds bearing a rale of interest not to exceed 
3.65 per cent., subject to future legislation by Congress. 

2. That the national debt should be paid in good faith, 
according to the original contract, at the earliest option of I lie 
government, without mortgaging the property of the people or 
the future exigencies of labor to enrich a few capitalists at home 
and abroad. 

3. That justice demands that the burdens of government 
should be so adjusted as to bear equally on all classes, and that 
the exemption from taxation of government bonds bearing ex- 
travagant rates of interest, is a violation of all just principles 
of revenue laws'. 

4. That the public lands of the United States belong to the 
people, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to 
corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit 
of the people, and should be granted to landless settlers only, 
in amounts not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres of land. 

5. That Congress should modify the tariff so as to admit 
free such articles of common use as we can neither produce nor 
grow, and lay duties for revenue mainly upon articles of luxury 
and upon such articles of manufacture as will, we having the 
raw materials, assist in further developing the resources of the 

6. That the presence in our country of Chinese laborers, 
imported by capitalists in large numbers for servile use, is an 
evil entailing want and its attendant train of misery and crime 
on all classes of the American people, and should be prohibited 
by legislation. 

7. That we ask for the enactment of a law by which all 
mechanics and day-laborers employed by or on behalf of the 
government, whether directly or indirectly, through persons, 
firms, or corporations, contracting with the state, shall conform 
to the reduced standard of eight hours a day, recently adopted 
by Congress for national employes ; and also for an amendment 
to 'the acts of incorporation for cities and towns, by which all 
laborers and mechanics employed at their expense shall conform 
to the same number of hours. 

8. That the enlightened spirit of the age demands the abo- 
lition of the system of contract labor in our prisons and other 
reformatory institutions. 

9. That the protection of life, liberty, and property are the 
three cardinal principles of government, and the first two are 
more sacred than the latter ; therefore, money needed for pros- 
ecuting wars should, as it is required, be assessed and collected 
from the wealthy of the country, and not entailed as a 
on posterity. 

10. That it is the duty of the _ 
power over railroads and telegraph corporations, that they shall 


not in any case be privileged to exact such rates of freight, 
transportation, or charges, by whatever name, as may bear un- 
duly or unequally upon the producer or consumer. 

lid be such a reform in the civil service 
tent as will remove it beyond all partisan 
in the charge and under the direction of 
nt business men. 

of the national g 
influence, and pi 

intelligent and <•< 

12. That as both history and experience teach us that 
power ever seeks to perpetuate itself by every and all means, 
and that its prolonged possession in the hands of one person is 
always dangerous to the interests of a free people, and believ- 
ing that the spirit of our organic laws and the stability and 
safety of our free institutions are best obeyed on the one hand, 
and secured on the other, by a regular constitutional change in 
the chief of the country at each election ; therefore, we are in 
favor of limiting the occupancy of the presidential chair to one 

13. That we are in favor of granting general amnesty and 
restoring the Union at once on the basis of equality of rights 
and privileges to all, the impartial administration of justice 
being the only true bond of union to bind the states together 
and restore the government of the people. 

14. That we demand the subjection of the military to the 
civil authorities, and the confinement of itsoperations to national 
purposes alone. 

15. That we deem it expedient for Congress to supervise the 
patent laws so as to give labor more fully the benefit of its own 
ideas and inventions. 

16. That fitness, and not political or personal considerations, 
should be the only recommendation to public office, either ap- 
pointive or elective ; and any and all laws looking to the estab- 
lishment of this principle are heartily approved. 



The preamble recites that protection and allegiance are recip- 
rocal duties ; and every citizen who yields obediently to the full 
commands of government should be protected in all enjoyment 
of personal security, personal liberty, and private property. 
That the traffic in intoxicating drinks greatly impairs the per- 
sonal security and personal liberty of a great mass of citizens, 
and renders private property insecure. That all political parties 
are hopelessly unwilling to adopt an adequate policy on this 
question: Therefore, as a national convention, we adopt the 
following declaration of principles : 

That while we acknowledge the pure patriotism and pro- 
found statesmanship of those patriots who laid the foundation 
of this government, securing at once the rights of the states 
severally and their inseparable union by the federal constitu- 
tion, we would not merely garnish the sepulchres of our repub- 
lican fathers, but we do hereby renew our pledges of solemn 
fealty to the imperishable principles of civil "and religious 
liberty embodied in the Declaration of Independence and our 
federal constitution. 

That the traffic in intoxicating beverages is a dishonor to 
Christian civilization, a political wrong of uuequaled enormity, 
subversive of ordinary objects of government, not capable of 
being regulated or restrained by any system of license whatever, 
and imperatively demands, for its suppression, effective legal 
prohibition, both by state and national legislation. 

That there can be no greater peril to a nation than existing 
party competition for the liquor vote. That any party not 
opposed to the traffic, experience shows will engage in this com- 
petition—will court the favor of criminal classes— will barter 
away the public morals, the purity of the ballot, and every 
object of good government, for party success. 

That, as prohibitionists, we will individually use all efforts 
to persuade men from the use of intoxicating liquors; and we 
invite all persons to assist in this movement. 

That competence, honesty, and sobriety are indispensable 
qualifications for holding office. 

That removals from public office for mere political differences 
of opinion are wrong. 

That fixed and moderate salaries of public officers should 
take the places of fees and perquisites ; and that all means 
should be taken to prevent corruption and encourage economy. 

That the President and Vice-President should be elected 
directly by the people. 

That we are in favor of a sound national currerrcy, adequate to 
the demands of business, and convertible into gold and silver at 
the will of the holder, and the adoption of every measure com- 
patible with justice and public safety to appreciate our present 
currency to the gold standard. 

That the rates of ocean and inland postage, and railroad and 
telegraph lines and water transportation, should be made as low 
as possible by law. 

That we are opposed to all discrimination in favor of capital 
against labor, as well as all monopoly and class legislation. 

That the removal of the burdens imposed in the traffic in 
intoxicating drinks will emancipate labor, and will practically 
promote labor reform. 

That suffrage should be granted to all persons, without regard 
to sex. 

That the fostering and extension of common schools is a pri- 
mary duty of the government. 

That a liberal policy should be pursued to promote foreign 


MAY 1. 

We, the Liberal Republicans of the United States, in national 
convention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following prin- 
ciples as essential to just government : 


1. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and 
hold that it is the duty of government, in its dealings with the 
people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever 
nativity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or political. 

2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these 
states, emancipation, and enfranchisement, and to oppose any 
reopening of the questions settled by the thirteenth, fourteenth, 
and fifteenth amendments of the constitution. 

3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all 
disabilities imposed on account of the Rebellion, which was 
finally subdued seven years ago, believing that universal am- 
nesty will result in complete pacification in all sections of the 

4. Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard 
the rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized 
power. The public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil 
over the military authority, and the freedom of person under 
the protection of the habeas corpus. We demand for the indi- 
vidual the largest liberty consistent with public order, for the 
state self-government, and for the nation a return to the methods 
of peace and the constitutional limitations of power. 

5. The civil service of the government lias become a mere 
instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an 
object of sellish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free 
institutions, and breeds a demoralization dangerous to the per- 
petuity of republican government. We, therefore, regard a 
thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pressing 
necessities of the hour; that honesty, capacity, and fidelity 
constitute the only valid claims to public employment ; that the 
offices of the government cease to be a matter of arbitrary favor- 
itism and patronage, and that public station shall become again 
a post of honor. To this end, it is imperatively required that 
no President shall be a candidate for re-election. 

6. We demand a system of federal taxation which shall not 
unnecessarily interfere with the industry of the people, and 
which shall provide the means necessary to pay the expenses of 
the government, economically administered, the pensions, the 
interest on the public debt, and a moderate reduction annually 
of the principal thereof ; and recognizing that there are in our 
midst honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion with re- 
gard to the respective systems of protection and free trade, we 
remit the discussion of the subject to the people in their con- 
gressional districts and the decision of Congress thereon, wholly 
free from Executive interference or dictation. 

7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we 
denounce repudiation in every form and guise. 

8. A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike by 
the highest considerations of commercial morality and honest 

9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices 
of the soldiers and sailors of the Republic ; and no act of ours 
shall ever detract from their justly earned fame or the full re- 
wards of their patriotism. 

10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to rail- 
roads or other corporations. The public domain should be held 
sacred to actual settlers. 

11. We hold that it is the duty of the government, in its 
intercourse with foreign nations, to cultivate the friendships of 

peace, by treating witli all on fair and equal terms, regarding it 
alike dishonorable either to demand what is not right or submit 
to what is wrong. 

12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles 
and the support of the candidates nominated by this convention, 
we invite and cordially welcome the co-operation of all patriotic 
citizens, without regard to previous political affiliations. 


We, the Democratic, electors of the United States, in conven- 
tion assembled, do present the following principles, already 
adopted at Cincinnati, as essential to just government : 

[Here followed the "Liberal Republican Platform" ; which 
see above.] 



The Republican party of the United States, assembled in 
national convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the filh and 
6th days of June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its 
history, and announces its position upon the questions before 
the country : 

1. During eleven years of supremacy it has accepted, with 
grand courage, the solemn duties of the time. It suppressed a 
gigantic rebellion, emancipated four millions of slaves, decreed 
the equal citizenship of all, and established universal suffrage. 
Exhibiting unparalleled magnanimity, it criminally punished no 
man for political offenses, and warmly welcomed all who proved 
their loyalty by obeying the laws and dealing justly with their 
neighbors. It has steadily decreased, with firm hand, the re- 
sultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a wise and humane 
policy toward the Indians. The Pacific railroad and similar vast 
enterprises have been generously aided and successfully con- 
ducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers, immigra- 
tion protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledgment of 
the naturalized citizen's rights secured from European powers. 
A uniform national currency has been provided, repudiation 
frowned down, the national credit sustained under the most 
extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower 
rates. The revenues have been carefully collected and hon- 
estly applied. Despite annual large reductions of the rates of 
taxation, the public debt has been reduced during General 
Grant's presidency at the rate of a hundred millions a year, 
great financial crises have been avoided, and peace and plenty 
prevail throughout the land. Menacing foreign difficulties have 
been peacefully and honorably compromised, and the honor and 
power of the nation kept in high respect throughout the world. 
This glorious record of the past is the party's best pledge for 
the future. We believe the people will not intrust the govern- 
ment to any party or combination of men composed chiefly of 
those who have resisted every step of this beneficent progress. 


2. The recent amendments to the national eonstil n I ion should 
be cordially sustained because they are right, not merely toler- 
ated because they are law, and should be carried out according 
to their spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of 
which can safely be intrusted only to the party that secured 
those amendments. 

3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of 
all civil, political, and public rights should be established and 
effectually maintained throughout the Union by efficient and 
appropriate state and federal legislation. Neither the law nor 
its administration should admit any discrimination in respect to 
citizens by reason of race, creed, color, or previous condition of 

4. The national government should seek to maintain honor- 
able peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, 
and sympathizing with all peoples who strive for greater liberty. 

(5. Any system of civil service under which the subordinate 
positions of the government are considered rewards for mere 
party zeal is fatally demoralizing; and we, therefore, favor a 
reform of the system, by laws which shall abolish the evils of 
patronage, and make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essen- 
li;il qualifications for public positions, without practically cre- 
ating a life tenure of office. 

6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to 
corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national 
domain be set apart for free homes for the people. 

7. The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, 
pensions, and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a 
moderate balance for the reduction of the principal ; and that 
revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon 
tobacco and liquors, should be raised by duties upon importa- 
tions, the details of which should be so adjusted as to aid in 
securing remunerative wages to labor, and promote the indus- 
tries, prosperity, and growth of the whole country. 

8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose 
valor saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the 
nation, and the widows and orphans of those who died for their 
country are entitled to the care of a generous and grateful peo- 
ple. We favor such additional legislation as will extend the 
bounty of the government to all our soldiers and sailors who 
were honorably discharged, and who in the line of duty became 
disabled, without regard to the length of service or the cause of 
such discharge. 

9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers 
concerning allegiance — "once a subject always a subject" — 
having at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been 
abandoned, and the American ideatrf the individual's right to 
transfer allegiance having been accepted by European nations, 
it is the duty of our government to guard with jealous care the 
rights of adopted citizens against the assumption of unauthor- 
ized claims by their former governments, and we urge continued 
careful encouragement and protection of voluntary immigration. 

10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and a way 
prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 

11. Among the questions which press for attention is that 
which concerns the relations of capital and labor ; and the Re- 
publican party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as 
to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital, and 
for labor, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a 

.just share of the mutual profits of these two great servants of 

12. We hold that Congress and the President have only 
fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression 
of violence and treasonable organizations in certain lately 
rebellious regions, and for the protection of the ballot-box ; 
and, therefore, they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 

13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any 
form or disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride 
the reduction of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of 
interest upon the balance, and confidently expect that our 
excellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy re- 
sumption of specie payment. 

14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to 
the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause 
of freedom. Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is 
viewed with satisfaction ; and the honest demand of any class 
of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful 

15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending 
amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of 
peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. 

16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights re- 
served by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers 
delegated by them to the states and to the federal government. 
It disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the 
purpose of removing evils, by interference with rights not sur- 
rendered by the people to either the state or national government. 

17. It is the duty of the general government to adopt such 
measures as may tend to encourage and restore American com- 
merce and ship-building. 

18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest pur- 
pose, the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorrupti- 
ble integrity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have 
commended him to the heart of the American people ; and with 
him at our head, we start to-day upon a new march to victory. 

19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Presidency, 
known to the whole land from the early days of the great strug- 
gle for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an 
incorruptible legislator and representative man of American in- 
stitutions, is worthy to associate with our great leader and share 
the honors which we pledge our best efforts to bestow upon 



WJiereas, A frequent recurrence to first principles and eternal 
vigilance against abuses are the wisest provisions for liberty, 
which is the source of progress, and fidelity to our constitutional 
system is the only protection for either : therefore, 

Resolved, That the original basis of our whole political struc- 
ture is consent in every part thereof. The people of each state 
voluntarily created their state, and the states voluntarily 


formed the Union ; and each state provided by its written 
constitution for everything a state could do for the pro- 
tection of life, liberty, and property within it ; and each state, 
jointly with the others, provided a federal union for foreign and 
inter-state relations. 

Resolved, That all governmental powers, whether state or 
federal, are trust powers coming from the people of each state, 
and that they are limited to the written letter of the constitution 
and the laws passed in pursuance of it ; which powers must be 
exercised in the utmost good faith, ihe constitution itself stating 
in what manner they may be altered and amended. 

Resolved, That the interests of labor and capital should not 
be permitted to conflict, but should be harmonized bj' judicious 
legislation. While such a conflict continues, labor, which is the 
parent of wealth, is entitled to paramount consideration. 

Resolved, That we proclain to the world that principle is to 
be preferred to power ; that the Democratic party is held to- 
gether by the cohesion of time-honored principles, which they 
will never surrender in exchange for all the offices which Presi- 
dents can confer. The pangs of the minorities are doubtless 
excruciating; but we welcome an eternal minority, under the 
banner inscribed with onr principles, rather than an almighty 
and everlasting majority, purchased by their abandonment. 

Resolved, That, having been betrayed at Baltimore into a 
false creed and a false leadership by the convention, we repudi- 
ate both, and appeal to the people to approve our platform, and 
to rally to the polls and support the true platform and the 
candidates who embody it. 



1. That ours is a Christian and not a heathen nation, and 
that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil 

2. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath. 

3. That the prohibition of the importation, manufacture, 
and sale of intoxicating drinks as a beverage, is the true policy 
on the temperance question. 

4. The charters of all secret lodges granted by our federal 
. and state legislatures should be withdrawn, and their oaths pro- 
hibited by law. 

5. That the civil equality secured to all American citizens 
by articles 13th, 14th, and 15th of our amended constitution 
should be preserved inviolate. 

6. That arbitration of differences with nations is the most 
direct and sure method of securing and perpetuating a perma- 
nent peace. 

7. That to -cultivate the intellect without improving the 
morals of men is to make mere adepts and experts : therefore, 

the Bible should be associated with books of science and litera- 
ture in all our educational institutions. 

8. That land and other monopolies should be discounte- 

9. That the government should furnish Ihe people with an 
ample and sound currency and a return to specie payment, as 
soon as practicable. 

protection to all 
tlal to the honor 

10. That maintenance of the public ore 
loyal citizens, and justice to Indians are ei 
and safety of our nation. 

11. And, finally, we demand for the American people I lie 
abolition of electoral colleges, and a direot vote for President 
and Vice-President of the United States. 

[Their candidates were James B. Walker, Wheaton, Illinois, 
for President; and Donald Kirkpa trick, Syracuse, New York, 
for Vice-President.] 


OHIO, MAY 17. 

The Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized 
in the name of the people, to revive, enforce, and perpel aate in 
the government the doctrines of the Declaration of linlcpeinl 
ence, submit, in this centennial year of the republic, for Ihe 
suffrages of all good citizens, the following platform of national 
reforms and measures : 

First. The legal prohibition in the District of Columbia, the 
territories, and in every other place subject to the laws of Con- 
gress, of the importation, exportation, manufacture, and traffic 
of all alcoholic beverages, as high crimes against society; an 
amendment of the national constitution, to render these prohib- 
itory measures universal and permanent; and the adoption of 
treaty stipulations with foreign powers, to prevent the importa- 
tion and exportation of all alcoholic beverages. 

Second. The abolition of class legislation, and of special 
privileges in the government, and the adoption of equal suffrage 
and eligibility to office, without distinction of race, religious 
creed, property, or sex. 

Third. The appropriation of the public lands, in limited 
quantities, to actual settlers only ; the reduction of the rates of 
inland and ocean postage ; of telegraphic communication ; of 
railroad and water transportation and travel, to the lowest prac- 
tical point, by force of laws, wisely and justly framed, witli refer- 
ence, not only to the interest of capital employed, but to the 
higher claims of the general good. 

Fourth. The suppression, by laws, of lotteries and gambling 
in gold, stocks, produce, and every form of money and property, 
and the penal inhibition of the use of the public mails for adver- 
tising schemes of gambling and lotteries. 

Fifth. The abolition of those foul enormities, polygamy and 
the social evil ; and the protection of purity, peace, and happi- 
ness of homes, by ample and efficient legislation. 


Sixth. The national 
established by laws proh 
all departments of public 

of necessity, charity, and 

Christian Sabbath, 

tbor and I i in 

employment (works 
on that day. 

Seventh. The establishment, by mandatory provisions in 
national and state constitutions, and by all necessary legislation, 
of a system of free public schools for the universal and forced 
education of all the youth of the land. 

Eighth. The Dree a te of the Bible, not as a ground of relig- 
ious creeds, bul as a text-booh of purest morality, the best 
liberty, and the nobles! literal are in our public Bchools, that our 
children may growup in its light, and that its spirit and prin- 
ciples may pervade our nation. 

Ninth. The separation of the government in all its depart- 
ments and institutions, including (.lie public schools and all 
funds Eor their maintenance, from the control of every religious 
si cl or other association, and the protection alike o£ all sects by 
equal laws, with entire freedom of religion ; t'ailli and worship. 

Tenth. The introduction into all treaties hereafter negotiated 
with foreign governments of a provision for the amicable settle- 
ment of international difficulties by arbitration. 

The abolition of all barbarous modes and instru- 
ments of punishment; I lie recognition of the laws of God and 
the claims of humanity in the discipline of jails and prisons, 
and of thai higher and wiser civilization worthy of our age and 
nation, which regards the reform of criminals as a means for the 
prevention of crime 

Twelfth. The abolition of executive and legislative patron- 
age, and | In* i'Ii -rl ii hi nf President, Vice-President, United States 
Si'ii.'itiir.;, ami of all civil o Hicers, so far as practicable, by the 
direot vote of the people. 

Tlihici nlli. The practice of a friendly and liberal policy to 
immigrants from all nations, the guaranty to them of ample 
protection, and of equal lights and privileges. 

Fourteenth. The separation of the money of government 
from all lianhing The national government, only, 
should exercise the high prerogative of issuing paper money, 
and that should be subject to prompt redemption on demand, 
in gold and silver, the only equal standards of value recognized 
by the civilized world. 

Fifteenth. The reduction of the salaries of public officers 
in a just ratio with the decline of wages and market prices ; the 
abolition of sinecures, unnecessary offices, and official fees and 
perquisites; the practice of strict economy in government ex- 
penses ; and a free and thorough investigation into any and all 
alleged abuses of public trusts. 



The Independent party is called into existence by the neces- 
iitiesof the people, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor 
s deprived of its just reward by a ruinous policy which the 

Republican and Democratic parties refuse to change; and. in 
view of the failure of these parties to furnish relief to the 
depressed industries of the country, thereby disappointing the 
just hopes and expectations of the suffering people, we declare 
our principles, and invite all independent and patriotic men to 
join our ranks in this movement for financial reform and indus- 
trial emancipation. 

First. We demand the immediate and unconditional repeal 
of the specie resumption act of January 14, 1875, and the res- 
cue of our industries from ruin and disaster resulting from its 
enforcement; and we call upon all patriotic men to organize in 
every congressional district of the country, with a view of 
electing representatives to Congress who will carry out the 
wishes of the people in this regard and stop the present suicidal 
and destructive policy of contraction. 

Second. We believe that a United St 
reclly by the government, and convertibl 
United Stales obligations, bearing a rate of 
ing one cent a day on each one hund 

note, issued di- 
ertible, on demand, into 
te of interest not exceed- 

1 dollars, and ex-changea- 

ble for United States notes at par, will afford the best circulating 
medium ever devised. Such United States notes shonld be full 
legal tenders for all purposes, except for the payment of such 
obligations as are, by existing contracts, especially made paya- 
ble in coin ; and we hold that it is the duty of the government 
to provide such a circulating medium, and insist, in the language 
of Thomas Jefferson, that "bank paper must be suppressed, 
and the circulation restored to the nation, to whom it belongs." 

TJiird. It is the paramount duty of the government, in all 
its legislation, to keep in view the full development of all legiti- 
mate business, agricultural, mining, manufacturing, and com- 

Fourth. We most earnestly protest against any further 
issue of gold bonds for sale in foreign markets, by which we 
would be made, for a long period, "hewers of wood and draw- 
ers of water" to foreigners, especially as the American people 
would gladly and promptly take at par all bonds the govern- 
ment may need to sell, provided they are made payable at the 
option of the holder, and bearing interest at 3.65 per cent, per 
annum or even a lower rate. 

Fifth. We further protest agaii ?t the sale of government 
bonds for the purpose of purchasing silver to be used as a sub- 
stitute for our more convenient and less fluctuating fractional 
currency, which, although well calculated to enrich owners of 
silver mines, yet in operation it will still further oppress, in 
taxation, an already overburdened people. 


JUNE 14. 

When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be 
purged of human slavery, and when the strength of the govern- 
ment of the people, by the people, and for the people, was to be 
demonstrated, the Republican party came into power. Its 
deeds have passed into history, and we look back to them with 
pride. Incited by their memories to high aims for the good of 
our country and mankind, and looking to the future with un- 


faltering courage, hope, and purpose, we, the representatives of 
the party, in national convention assembled, make the i'n] lowing 
declaration of principles : 

1. The United States of America is a nation, notaleague. 
By the combined workings of the national and state govern- 
ments, under their respective constitutions, fclie rights of every 
citizen are secured, at home aud abroad, and the common wel- 
fare promoted. 

2. The Republican party has preserved these governments 
to the hundredth anniversary of the nation's birth, and they are 
now embodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle — 
"That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that for the attain- 
ment of these ends governments have been instituted among 
men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned." Until these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or, if need 
be, vigorously enforced, the work of the Republican party is 

3. The permanent pacification of the southern section of the 
Union, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free 
enjoyment of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican 
party stands sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the 
enforcement of the principles embodied in the recent constitu- 
tional amendments is vested, by those amendments, in the Con- 
gress of the United States; and we declare it to be tin- solemn 
obligation of the legislative and executive departments of the 
government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their 
constitutional powers for removing any just causes of discontent 
on the part of any class, and for securing to every American 
citizen complete liberty aud exact equality in the exercise of all 
civil, political, and public rights. To this end we imperatively 
demand a Congress and a Chief Executive whose coinage and 
fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are 
placed beyond dispute or recall. 

4. In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant, 
the national government assumed to remove any doubt of its 
purpose to discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, 
and " solemnly pledged its faith to make provision at the earliest 
practicable period for the redemption of the United States notes 
in coin." Commercial prosperity, public morals, and national 
credit demand that this promise be fulfilled by a continuous and 
steady progress to specie payment. 

5. Under the constitution, the President and heads of de- 
partments are to make nominations for office, the Senate is to 
advise, and consent to appointments, and the House of Repre- 
sentatives is to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best 
interest of the public service demands that these distinctions be 
respected ; that Senators and Representatives who may be 
judges and accusers should not dictate appointments to office. 
The invariable rule in appointments should have reference to the 
honesty, fidelity, and capacity of the appointees, giving to the 
party in power those places where harmony and vigor of admin- 
istration require its policy to be represented, but permitting all 
others to be rilled by persons selected with sole reference to the 
efficiency of the public service, and the right of all citizens to 
share in the honor of rendering faithful service to the country. 

6. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people 
concerning political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a 
rigid responsibility, and engage that the prosecution and punish- 
ment of all who betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, 
and unsparing." 

7. The public school system of the several states is the bul- 
wark of the American Republic; an, I, withaview to its security 
ami permanence, we recommend an amendment to the constitu- 
tion of the United States, forbidding the application of any 
public funds or property for the benefit of any schools or insti- 
tutions under sectarian control. 

8. Tin 1 revenue necessary forcurrenl expenditures, and the 

obligations of the public debt, must be largelj derived from 
duties upon importations, which, so far as pos ible, should be 
adjusted to promote the interests of American lab irand advance 

the prosperity of the whole country. 

9. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the pub 
lie lands to corporations aud monopolies, and demand that the 
national domain be devoted to five homes for the people. 

10. It is the imperative duty of the government so to modify 

passed to protect emigrants in the absence of power in the sts 
for that purpose. 

11. It is the immediate duty of Congres i to fully invest ig 
the effect of the immigration and importation of Mongoli 
upon the moral and materia] interests oil the coiinlry. 

12. The Republican party recognizes, with approval, 
substantial advances recently mad,- toward the i abli am 
of equal rights for women by the many important amendmi 
effected bv Republican loeislatures in the laws which cone 

'The honest demands of this class of citizens for additional 
rights, privileges, and immunities, should be treated with re- 
spectful consideration. 

13. The constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power 
over the territories of the United Stales I'm- their governmenl ; 
and in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of 

in all 

14. The pledges which the nation lias given toiler soldiers 
and sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always 
hold those who imperiled I heir lives for (he country's preserva- 
tion in the kindest remembrance. 

15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tenden- 
cies. 'We, therefore, note with deep solicitude that the Demo 
cratic party counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the 
electoral vote of a united, south, secured through the efforts of 
those who were recently arrayed against the nation ; and ive in- 
voke the earnest attention of the country to the grave truth that 
a success thus achieved would reopen sectional strife-, and im- 
peril national honor and human rights. 

16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same 
in character and spirit as when it sympathized with treason; 
with making its control of the House of Representatives the 
triumph and opportunity of the nation's recent foes; with re- 
asserting and applauding, in the national capital, the sentiments 
of unrepentant rebellion; with sending Union soldiers to the 
rear, and promoting Confederate soldiers to the front ; with de- 



liberately proposing to repudiate the plighted faith of the gov- 
ernment ; with being equally false and imbecile upon the over- 
shadowing linanciiil ipieslions; with thwarting the ends of justice 

by its partisan mismanagement and obstruction of investigation ; 
with proving itself, through the period of its ascendency in the 
lower house oi Congress, utterly incompetent to administer the 
governmenl ; and we warn the country against trusting a party 
llnis alike unworthy, recreant, and incapable. 

17. The national administration merits commendation for 
ils honorable work in I he management, of domestic' and foreign 
affairs, and President Grant deserves the continued hearty grati- 
tude of the Ami rican ] pie for his patriotism and his eminent 

18. We present, as our candidates for President and Vice- 
President of the United Stales, two distinguished statesmen, of 
eminent ability and character, and conspicuously fitted for 
those high offices, and we confidently appeal to the American 
people to intrust the administration of their public affairs to 
Rutherford B. Hayes and William A. Wheeler. 


JUNE 27. 

We, the delegates of the Democratic party of the United 
Stales, in national convention assembled, do hereby declare the 
administration of the Federal government, to be in urgent need 
of immediate reform j do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of 
this convention, and of the Democratic party in each state, a 
zealous olfbrt and coop.. ration to this end; and do hereby 
appeal to our fellow citizens of every former political connec- 
tion to undertake, with us, this first and most pressing patriotic 

For the Democracy of the whole country, we do here reaffirm 
our faith in the permanence of the Federal Union, our devotion 
to the constitution of the United States, with its amendments 
universally aocepted as a final settlement of the controversies 
that engendered civil war, and do here record our steadfast con- 
fidence in the perpetuity of republican self-government. 

In absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority— the 
vital principle of republics ; in the supremacy of the civil over 
the military authority ; in the total separation of church and 
state, for the sake alike of civil and religious freedom ; in the 
equality of all citizens before just laws of their own enactment; 
in the liberty of individual conduct, unvexed by sumptuary 
laws; in the faithful education of the rising generation, that 
they may preserve, enjoy, and transmit these best conditions of 
human happiness and hope— we behold the noblest products of 
a hundred years of changeful history ; but while upholding the 
bond of our Union and great charter of these our rights, it be- 
hooves a free people to practice also that eternal vigilance which 
is the price of liberty. 

Reform is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of 
the whole people the Union, eleven years ago happily rescued 
from the danger of a secession of states, but now to be saved 
from a corrupt centralism which, after inflicting upon ten states 

the rapacity of carpet-bag tyranny, has honeycombed the offices 
of the Federal government itself with incapacity, waste, and 
fraud ; infected states and municipalities with the contagion of 
misrule ; and locked fast the prosperity of an industrious peo- 
ple in the paralysis of "hard times." 

Reform is necessary to establish a sound currency, restore 
the public credit, and maintain the national honor. 

We denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of peace, 
to make good the' promise of the legal-tender notes, which are 
a changing standard of value in the hands of the people, and 
the non-payment of which is a disregard of the plighted faith 
of the nation. 

We denounce the improvidence which, in eleven years of 
peace, has taken from the people, in federal taxes, thirteen 
times the whole amount of the legal-tender notes, and squan- 
dered four times their sum in useless expense without accumu- 
lating any reserve for their redemption. 

We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of 
that party which, during eleven years of peace, has made no 
advance toward resumption, no preparation for resumption, but, 
instead, has obstructed resumption, by wasting our resources 
and exhausting all our surplus income ; and, while annually 
professing to intend a speedy return to specie payments, has 
annually enacted fresh hinderances thereto. As such hinder- 
ance we denounce the resumption clause of the act of 1875, and 
we here demand its repeal. 

We demand a judicious S3 7 stem of preparation, by public 
economies, by official retrenchments, and by wise finance, which 
shall enable the nation soon to assure the whole world of its 
perfect ability and of its perfect readiness to meet any of its 
promises at the call of the creditor entitled to payment. We 
believe such a system, well devised, and; above all, intrusted to 
competent hands for execution, creating, at no time, an artifi- 
cial scarcity of currency, and at no time alarming the public 
mind into a withdrawal of that vaster machinery of credit by 
which ninety-five per cent, of all business transactions are per- 
formed. A system open, public, and inspiring general confi- 
dence, would, from the day of its adoption, bring healing on its 
wings to all our harassed industries— set in motion the wheels 
of commerce, manufactures, and the mechanic arts — restore 
employment to labor— and renew, in all its natural sources, the 
prosperity of the people. 

Reform is necessary in the sum and modes of federal taxation, 
to the end that capital maybe set free from distrust and labor 
lightly burdened. 

AVe denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four 
thousand articles, as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and 
false pretence. It yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising, reve- 
nue. It has impoverished many industries to subsidize a few. 
It prohibits imports that might purchase the products of Amer- 
ican labor. It has degraded American commerce from the first 
to an inferior rank on the high seas. It has cut down the sales 
of American manufactures at home and abroad, and depleted 
the returns of American agriculture— an industry followed by 
half our people. It costs the people five times more than it 
produces to the treasury, obstructs the processes of production, 
and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes fraud, fosters 
smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and bankrupts honest 
merchants. We demand that all custom-house taxation shall 
be only for revenue. 


Reform is necessary in the scale of public expense — federal, 
state, and municipal. Our federal taxation lias swollen from 
sixty millions gold, in 1S60, to four hundred and fifty millions 
currency, in 1870 ; our aggregate taxation from one hundred and 
fifty-four millions gold, in 1860, to seven hundred and thirty 
millions currency, in 1870 — or, in one decade, from less than live 
dollars per head to more than eighteen dollars per head. Since 
the peace, the people have paid to their tax-gatherers more than 
thrice the sum of the national debt, and more than twice that 
sum for the Federal government alone. We demand a rigorous 
frugality in every department and from every officer of the 

Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of 
public lands, and their diversion from actual settlers, by the 
party in power, which has squandered 200,000,000 of acres upon 
railroads alone, and, out of more than thrice that aggregate, has 
of less than a sixth directly to tillers of the soil. 

Reform is necessary to correct the omissions of a Republican 
Congress, and the errors of our treaties and our diplomacy 
which have stripped our fellow-citizens of foreign birth and 
kindred race, recrossing the Atlantic, of tke'shield of American 
citizenship, and have exposed our brethren of the Pacific coast 
to the incursions of a race not sprung from the same great 
parent stock, and in fact now, by law, denied citizenship 
through naturalization, as being neither accustomed to the tra- 
ditions of a progressive civilization nor exercised in liberty 
under equal laws. We denounce the policy which thus dis- 
cards the liberty-loving German and tolerates a revival of the 
coolie trade in Mongolian women, imported for immoral pur- 
poses, and Mongolian men, held to perform servile labor 
contracts, and demand such modification of the treaty with 
the Chinese Empire, or such legislation within constitutional 
limitations, as shall prevent further importation or immigration 
of the Mongolian race. 

Reform is necessary, and can never be effected but by making 
it the controlling issue, of the elections, and lifting it above the 
two false issues with which the office-holding class and the 
party in power seek to smother it : 

1. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian 
strife in respect to the public schools, of which the establish- 
ment and support belongs exclusively to the several states, and 
which the Democratic party has cherished from their founda- 
tion, and is resolved to maintain, without prejudice or preference 
for any class, sect, or creed, and without largesses from the 
treasury to any. 

2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew the 
dying embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once 
estranged, but now reunited in one indivisible republic and a 
common destiny. 

Reform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves 
that efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business 
is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every 
election, be a prize fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief 
reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for 
proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public employ; 
that the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon 
the time of all our public men, nor the instrument of their 
ambition. Here, again, promises, falsified in the performance, 
attest that the party in power can work out no practical or 
salutary reform. 

Reform is necessary, even more, in the higher grades of the 
public service. President, Vice-President, Judges, Senators, 
Representatives, Cabinet officers — these, and all others in 
authority— are the people's servants. Their offices are not a 
private perquisite ; they are a publio trust. When the annals 
of this Republic show the disgrace and censure of a Vice-Presi- 
dent ; a late Speaker of the House of Representatives marketing 
his rulings as a presiding officer ; three Senators profiting secretly 
by their votes as law-makers ; five chairmen of the leading com- 
mittees of the late House of Representatives exposed in jobbery; 
a late Secretary of the Treasury forcing balances in the puftlio 
accounts; a late Attorney-General misappropriating publio 
funds ; a Secretary of the Navy enriched, or enriching friends, 
by percentages levied off the profits of contractors with his de- 
partment ; an Ambassador to England concerned in a dishonor- 
able speculation ; the President's private secretary barely escap- 
ing conviction upon trial for guilty complicity in frauds upon 
the revenue ; a Secretary of War impeached for high orimes and 
misdemeanors— the demonstration is complete, thai the first step 
in reform must be the people's choice of honest men from another 
party, lest the disease of one political organization infect the body 
politic, and lest by making no change of men or parties we get 
no change of measures and no real reform. 

All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes— the product of sixteen 
years' ascendency of the Republican party— create a necessity 
for reform, confessed by the Republicans themselves ; but their 
reformers are voted down in convention and displaced from the 
cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters is powerless to resist 
the 80,000 office-holders, its leaders and guides. 

Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We 
demand a change of system, a change of administration, a 
change of parties, that we may have a change of measures and 
of men. 

Resolved, That this convention, representing the Democratic 
party of the United States, do cordially indorse the action of the 
present House of Representatives, in reducing and curtailing the 
expenses of the Federal government, in cutting down salaries 
and extravagant appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices 
and places not required by the public necessities ; and we shall 
trust to the firmness of the Democratic members of the House 
that no committee of conference and no misinterpretation of the 
rules will be allowed to defeat these wholesome measures of 
by the country. 

Resolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and 
the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in battle, have 
a just claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude of their 



Wliereas, Throughout our entire country the value of real 
estate is depreciated, industry paralyzed, trade depressed, busi- 
ness incomes and wages reduced, unparalleled distress inflicted 
upon the poorer and middle ranks of our people, the land filled 
with fraud, embezzlement, bankruptcy, crime, suffering, pauper- 
ism, and starvation ; and 


Whereas, Tliis state of tilings lias been brought about by 
legislation in the interest of, and dictated by, money-lenders, 
bankers, and bondholders ; and 



ognize the fact that the men in Con- 
gress connected with the old political parties have stood up man- 
fully for the rights of the people, arid met the threats of the 
money power, and the ridicule of an ignorant and subsidized 
press, yet neither the Republican nor the Democratic parties, in 
their policies, propose remedies for the existing evils ; and 

Wliereas, The Independent, Greenback party, and other asso- 
ciations more or less effective, have been unable, hitherto, to 
make a formidable opposition to old party organizations ; and 

Whereas, The limiting of the legal-tender quality of the 
greenbacks, the changing of currency bonds into coin bonds, 
the demonetization of the silver dollar, the exempting of bonds 
from taxation, the contraction of the circulating medium, the 
proposed forced resumption of specie payments, and the prod- 
igal waste of the public lands, were crimes against the people ; 
and, as far as possible, the results of these criminal acts must be 
counteracted by judicious legislation : 

Tlierefore, We assemble in national convention and make a 
declaration of our principles, and invite all patriotic citizens to 
unite in an effort to secure financial reform and industrial eman- 
cipation. The organization shall be known as the "National 
Party," and under this name we- will perfect, without delay, 
national, state, and local associations, to secure the election to 
office of such men only as will pledge themselves to do all in 
their power to establish these principles: 

First. It is the exclusive function of the general govern- 
ment to coin and create money and regulate its value. All bank 
issues designed to circulate as money should be suppressed. 
The circulating medium, whether of metal or paper, shall be 
issued by the government, and made a full legal-tender for all 
debts, duties, and taxes in the United States, at its stamped 

Second. There shall be no privileged class of creditors. 
Official salaries, pensions, bonds, and all other debts and obliga- 
tions, public and private, shall be discharged in the legal-tender 
money of the United States, strictly according to the stipulations 
of the laws under which they were contracted. 

Third. The coinage of silver shall be placed on the same 
footing as that of gold. 

Fourth. Congress shall provide said money adequate to the 
full employment of labor, the equitable distribution of its pro- 
ducts, and the requirements of business, fixing a minimum 
amount per capita of the population as near as maybe, and 
otherwise regulating its value by wise and equitable provisions 
of law, so that the rate of interest will secure to labor its just 

Fifth. It is inconsistent with the genius of popular govern- 
ment that any species of private property should be exempt 
from bearing its proper share of the public burdens. Govern- 
ment bonds and money should be taxed precisely as other 
property, and a graduated income tax should be levied for the 
support of the government and the payment of its debts. 

Sixth. Public lands are the common property of the whole 
people, and should not be sold to speculators nor granted to 

railroads or other corporations, but should be donated to actual 
settlers, in limited quantities. 

Seventh. The government should, by general enactments, 
encourage the development of our agricultural, mineral, me- 
chanical, manufacturing, and commercial resources, to the end 
that labor may be fully and profitably employed ; but no mo- 
nopolies should 1 

Eighth. All useless offices should be abolished, the most 
rigid economy favored in every branch of the public service, and 
severe punishment inflicted upon public officers who betray the 
trusts reposed in them. 

Ninth. As educated labor has devised means for multiply- 
ing production by inventions and discoveries, and as their use 
requires the exercise of mind as well as body, such legislation 
should be had that the number of hours of daily toil will be 
reduced, giving to the working classes more leisure for mental 
improvement and their several enjoyments, and saving them 
from premature decay and death. 

Tenth. The adoption of an American monetary system, as 
proposed herein, will harmonize all differences in regard to tariff 
and federal taxation, reduce and equalize the cost of transporta- 
tion by land and water, distribute equitably the joint earnings 
of capital and labor, secure to the producers of wealth the re- 
sults of their labor and skill, and muster out of service the vast 
army of idlers, who, under the existing system, grow rich upon 
the earnings of others, that every man and woman may, by their 
own efforts, secure a competency, so that overgrown fortunes 
and extreme poverty will be seldom found within the limits of 
our republic. 

Both national and state governments should es- 
tablish bureaus of labor and industrial statistics, clothed with 
the power of gathering and publishing the same. 

Twelfth. That the contract system of employing labor in 
our prisons and reformatory institutions works great injustice to 
our mechanics and artisans, and should be prohibited. 

Thirteenth. The importation of servile labor into the United 
States from China is a problem of the most serious importance, 
and we recommend legislation looking to its suppression. 

Fourteenth. We believe in the supremacy of law over and 
above all perishable material, and in the necessity of a party of 
united people that will rise above old party lines and prejudices. 
We will not affiliate in any degree with any of the old parties, 
but, in all cases and localities, will organize anew, as united 
National men— nominate for office and official positions only 
such persons as are clearly believers in and identified with this 
our sacred cause ; and, irrespective of creed, color, place of 
birth, or past condition of political or other servitude, vote only 
for men who entirely abandon old party lines and organizations. 



1. Total separation of Church and State, to 
by amendment of the United States constitution ; including the 
equitable taxation of church property, secularization of the 


public schools, abrogation of Sabbatarian laws, abolition of 
chaplaincies, prohibitions of public appropriations for religious 
purposes, and all measures necessary to the same general end. 

2. National protection for national citizens in their equal 
civil, political, and religious rights, to be guaranteed by amend- 
ment of the United States constitution and afforded through 
the United States courts. 

3. Universal education, the basis of universal suffrage in 
this secular Republic, to be guaranteed by amendment of the 
United States constitution, requiring every state to maintain a 
thoroughly secularized public school system, and to permit no 
child within its limits to grow up without a good elementary 



I. Independent Republicans adhere to the republican prin- 
ciples of national supremacy, sound finance, and civil service 
reform, expressed in the Republican platform of 1876, in the 
letter of acceptance of President Hayes, and in his message of 
1879 ; and they seek the realization of those principles in practical 
laws and their efficient administration. This requires, 

1. The continuance on the statute-book of laws protecting 
the rights of voters at national elections. But national suprem- 
acy affords no pretext for interference with the local rights of 
communities ; and the development of the south from its present 
defective civilization can be secured only under constitutional 
methods, such as those of President Hayes. 

2. The passage of laws which shall deprive greenbacks of 
their legal-tender quality, as a first step toward their ultimate 
withdrawal and cancellation, and shall maintain all coins made 
legal tender at such weight and fineness as will enable them to 
be used without discount in the commercial transactions of the 

3. The repeal of the acts which limit the terms of office of 
certain government officials to four years ; the repeal of the 
tenure-of-office acts, which limit the power of the executive to 
remove for cause ; the establishment of a permanent civil service 
commission, or equivalent measures, to ascertain, by open com- 
petition, and certify to the President or other appointing power 
the fitness of applicants for nomination or appointment to all 
non-political offices. 

II. Independent Republicans believe that local issues should 
he independent of party. The words Republican and Democrat 
should have no weight in determining whether a school or city 
shall be administered on business principles by capable men. 
With a view to this, legislation is asked which shall prescribe 
for the voting for local and for state officers upon separate 

III. Independent Republicans assert that a political party is 
a co-operation of voters to secure the practical enactment into 
legislation of political convictions set forth as its platform. 
Every voter accepting that platform is a member of that party ; 
any representative of that party opposing the principles or 

evading the promises of its platform forfeits the support of its 
voters. No voter should be held by the action or nomination of 
any caucus or convention of his party against his private judg- 
ment. It is his duty to vote against bad measures and unfit 
men, as the only means of obtaining good ones ; and if his party 
no longer represents ils professed principles in its practical 
workings, it is his duty to vote against it. 

IV. Independent Republicans seek good nominations 
through participation in I he primaries and through the defeat 
of bad nominees; they will labor for file defeat of any local 
Republican candidate, ami, in co-operation with those holding 
like views elsewhere, for the defeat of any general Republican 
candidate whom they do not deem lit. 


JUNE 2. 

The Republican party, in national convention assembled, at 
the end of twenty years since the Federal government was first 
committed to its charge, submits to the people of the United 
States this brief report of its administration : 

It suppressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million 
of men to subvert the national authority. It reconstructed the 
union of the states with freedom, instead of slavery, as its cor- 
ner-stone. It transformed four millions of human beings from 
the likeness of things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Con- 
gress from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and 
charged it to see that slavery does not exist. 

It has raised the value of our paper currency from thirty- 
eight per cent, to the par of gold. It lias restored, upon a solid 
basis, payment in coin for all the national obligations, and has 
given us a currency absolutely good and equal in every part of 
our extended country. It has lifted the credit of the nation 
from the point where six per cent, bonds sold at eighty-six to 
that where four per cent, bonds are eagerly sought at a pre- 

Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000 
miles in 1860, to more than 82,000 miles in 1879. 

Our foreign trade has increased from $700,000,000 to 
$1,150,000,000 in the same time; and our exports, which were 
$20,000,000 less than our imports in 1860, were $264,000,000 
more than our imports in 1879. 

Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, de- 
frayed the ordinary expenses of government, besides the accru- 
ing interest on the public debt, and disbursed, annually, over 
$30,000,000 for soldiers' pensions. It has paid $888,000,000 of 
the public debt, and, by refunding the balance at lower rates, 
has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 
to less than $89,000,000. 

All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in 
demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire 
country there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than 
we have ever enjoyed. 


Upon this record, the Republican party asks for the contin- 
ued confidence and support of the people ; and this convention 
submits for their approval the following statement of the prin- 
ciples and purposes which will continue to guide and inspire its 
efforts : 

1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty years has 
been such as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and 
that the fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved, 
through immense difficulties, should be preserved; that the 
peace regained should be cherished ; that the dissevered Union, 
now happily restored, should be perpetuated, and that the lib- 
erties secured to this generation should be transmitted, undi- 
minished, to future generations ; that the order established and 
the credit acquired should never be impaired ; that the pensions 
promised should be paid ; that the debt so much reduced should 
lie extinguished by the full payment of every dollar thereof ; 
that the reviving industries should be further promoted; and that 
the commerce, already so great, should be steadily encouraged. 

2. The constitution of the United States is a supreme law, 
and not a mere contract ; out of confederate states it made a 
sovereign nation. Some powers are denied to the nation, while 
others are denied to states ; but the boundary between the pow- 
ers delegated and those reserved is to be determined by the 
national and not by the state tribunals. 

3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of 
the several states, but it is the duty of the national government 
to aid that work to the extent of its constitutional ability. The 
intelligence of the nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence 
in the several states ; and the destiny of the nation must be 
guided, not by the genius of any one state, but by the average 
genius of all. 

4. The constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any 
law respecting an establishment of religion ; but it is idle to hope 
that the nation can be protected against the influences of secta- 
rianism while each state is exposed to its domination. We, 
therefore, recommend that the constitution be so amended as to 
lay the same prohibition upon the legislature of each state, to 
forbid l lie appropriation of public funds to the support of secta- 
rian schools. 

5. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 1876, that the duties 
levied for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor 
American labor ; that no further grant of the public domain 
should be made to any railway or other corporation ; that slavery 
having perished in the states, its twin barbarity— polygamy- 
must die in the territories; that everywhere the protection ac- 
corded to citizens of American birth must be secured to citizens 
by American adoption. That we esteem it the duty of Congress 
to develop and improve our water-courses and harbors, but 
insist that further subsidies to private persons or corporations 
must cease. That the obligations of the republic to the men 
who preserved its integrity in the day of battle are undiminished 
by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory— to do them 
perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the grateful privilege 
and sacred duty of the American people. 

6. Since the authority to regulate immigration and inter- 
course between the United States and foreign nations rests with 
the Congress of the United States and its treaty-making powers, 
the Republican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of 
the Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise 
of that power to restrain and limit that immigration by the 
enactment of such just, humane, and reasonable provisions as 
will produce that result. 

7. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the 
earlier career of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and 
which guided the thoughts of our immediate predecessors to 
select him for a presidential candidate, have continued to inspire 
him in his career as chief executive, and that history will accord 
to his administration the honors which are due to an efficient, 
just, and courteous discharge of the public business, and will 
honor his interpositions between the people and proposed parti- 
san laws. 

8. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacri- 
fice of patriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for 
office and patronage. That to obtain possession of the national 
and state governments, and the control of place and position, 
they have obstructed all efforts to promote the purity and to 
conserve the freedom of suffrage ; have devised fraudulent cer- 
tifications and returns ; have labored to unseat lawfully-elected 
members of Congress, to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a 
majority of the states in the House of Representatives ; have 
endeavored to occxrpy, by force and fraud, the places of trust 
given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by the 
courageous action of Maine's patriotic sons ; have, by methods 
vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan 
legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose passage the very 
movements of government depend ; have crushed the rights of 
the individual ; have advocated the principle and sought the 
favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to 
obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its 
inestimably valuable results of nationality, personal freedom, 
and individual equality. Equal, steady, and complete enforce- 
ment of the laws, and protection of all our citizens in the enjoy- 
ment of all privileges and immunities guaranteed by the 
constitution, are the first duties of the nation. The danger of a 
solid south can only be averted by the faithful performance of 
every promise which the nation made to the citizen. The exe- 
cution of the laws, and the punishment of all those who violate 
them, are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace can 
be secured, and genuine prosperity established throughout the 
south. Whatever promises the nation makes, the nation must 
perform ; and the nation can not with safety relegate this duty 
to the states. The solid south must be divided by the peaceful 
agencies of the ballot, and all opinions must there find free ex- 
pression ; and to this end honest voters must be protected 
against terrorism, violence, or fraud. And we affirm it to be the 
duty and the purpose of the Republican party to use all legiti- 
mate means to restore all the states of this Union to the most 
perfect harmony which may be practicable ; and we submit to 
the practical, sensible people of the United States to say 
whether it would not be dangerous to the dearest interests of our 
country, at this time, to surrender the administration of the 
national government to a party which seeks to overthrow the ex- 
isting policy, under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring 
distrust and confusion where there is now order, confidence, 
and hope. 

9. The Republican party, adhering to a principle affirmed by 
its last national convention, of respect for the constitutional 
rule covering appointments to office, adopts the declaration of 
President Hayes, that the reform of the civil service should be 
thorough, radical, and complete. To this end it demands the 
co-operation of the legislative with the executive department of 
the government, and that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, 
ascertained by proper practical tests, shall admit to the public 
service ; and that the power of removal for cause, with due 
responsibility for the good conduct of subordinates, shall accom- 
pany the power of appointment. 





The civil government should guarantee the divine right of 
every laborer to the results of his toil, thus enabling the producers 
of wealth to provide themselves with the means for physical com- 
fort, and facilities for mental, social, and moral culture ; and we 
condemn, as unworthy of our civilization, the barbarism which 
imposes upon wealth-producers a state of drudgery as the price 
of a bare animal existence. Notwithstanding the enormous 
increase of productive power by the universal introduction of 
labor-saving machinery and the discovery of new agents for the 
increase of wealth, the task of the laborer is scarcely lightened, 
the hours of toil are but little shortened, and few producers are 
lifted from poverty into comfort and pecuniary independence. 
The associated monopolies, the international syndicates, and 
other income classes demand dear money, cheap labor, and a 
strong government, and, hence, a weak people. Corporate con- 
trol of the volume of money has been the means of dividing 
society into hostile classes, of an unjust distribution of the 
products of labor, and of building up monopolies of associated 
capital, endowed with power to confiscate private property. It 
has kept money scarce ; and the scarcity of money enforces 
debt-trade, and public and corporate loans ; debt engenders 
usury, and usury ends in the bankruptcy of the borrower. 
Other results are— deranged markets, uncertainty in manufac- 
turing enterprises and agriculture, precarious and intermittent 
employment for the laborer, industrial war, increasing pauper- 
ism and crime, and the consequent intimidation and disfran- 
chisement of the producer, and a rapid declension into corporate 
feudalism. Therefore, we declare — 

First. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign 
power, to be maintained by the people for their common benefit. 
The delegation of this right to corporations is a surrender of 
the central attribute of sovereignty, void of constitutional sanc- 
tion, and conferring upon a subordinate and irresponsible power 
an absolute dominion over industry and commerce. All money, 
whether metallic or paper, should be issued, and its volume 
controlled, by the government, and not by or through banking 
corporations ; and, when so issued, should be a full legal tender 
for all debts, public and private. 

Second. That the bonds of the United States should not be 
refunded, but paid as rapidly as practicable, according to con- 
tract. To enable the government to meet these obligations, 
legal-tender currency should be substituted for the notes of the 
national banks, the national banking system abolished, and the 
unlimited coinage of silver, as well as gold, established by law. 

Third. That labor should be so protected by national and 
state authority as to equalize its burdens and insure a just dis- 
tribution of its results. The eight hour law of Congress should 
be enforced, the sanitary condition of industrial establishments 
placed under rigid control, the competition of contract convict 
labor abolished, a bureau of labor statistics established, fac- 
tories, mines, and workshops inspected, the employment of 
children under fourteen years of age forbidden, and wages paid 
in cash. 

Fourth. Slavery being simply cheap labor, and cheap labor 
being simply slavery, the importation and presence of Chinese 
serfs necessarily tends to brutalize and degrade American labor ; 
therefore, immediate steps should be taken to abrogate the 
Burlingame treaty. 

Fifth. Railroad land grants forfeited by reason of non-ful- 
fillment of contract should be immediately reclaimed by the 
government, and, henceforth, the public domain reserved exclu- 
sively as homes for actual settlers. 

Sixth. It is the duty of Congress to regulate inter-state 
commerce. All lines of communication and transportation 
should be brought under such legislative control as shall secure 
moderate, fair, and uniform rates for passenger and freight 

Seventh. We denounce 
gerous to liberty the action 
sustaining gigantic land, ra 
monopolies invested with ; 

and dan- 

tering and 

tions, and 

aging to 

the government, and yet not responsible to it for the manner of 
their exercise. 

Eighth. That the constitution, in giving Congress the power 
to borrow money, to declare war, to raise and support armies, 
to provide and maintain a navy, never Intended that the men 
who loaned their money for an interest-consideration should be 
preferred to the soldiers and sailors who p. 'riled their lives and 
shed their blood on land and sea in defense of their country ; 
and we condemn the cruel class legislation of the Republican 
party, which, while professing great gratitude to the soldier, 
has most unjustly discriminated against him and in favor of the 

Ninth. All property should bear its just proportion of 
taxation, and we demand a graduated income tax. 

Tenth. We denounce as dangerous the efforts everywhere 
manifest to restrict the right of suffrage. 

Eleventh. We are opposed to an increase of the standing 
army in time of peace, and. the insidious scheme to establish an 
enormous military power under the guise of militia laws. 

Twelfth. We demand absolute democratic rules for the 
government of Congress, placing all representatives of the peo- 
ple upon an equal footing, and taking away from committees a 
veto power greater than that of the President. 

Thirteenth. We demand a government of the people, by 
the people, and for the people, instead of a government of the 
bondholder, by the bondholder, and for the bondholder; ami 
we denounce every attempt to stir up sectional strife as an effort 
to conceal monstrous crimes against the people. 

Fourteenth. In the furtherance of these ends we ask the 
co-operation of all fair-minded people. We have no quarrel 
with individuals, wage no war on classes, but only against vicious 
institutions. We are not content to endure further discipline 
from our present actual rulers, who, having dominion over 
money, over transportation, over land and labor, over the press 
and the machinery of government, wield unwarrantable power 
over our institutions and over life and property. 



The Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized, 
in the name of the people, to revive, enforce, and perpetuate in 
the government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independ- 


enoe, submit, for the suffrage of all good citizens, the following 
platform of national reforms and measures: 

In the examination and discussion of the temperance ques- 
tion, it has been proven, and is an accepted truth, that alcoholic 
di inks, whether fermented, brewed, or distilled, are poisonous 
to the benllh.y human body, l.ln- drinking of which is not only 
.needless but hurtful, necessarily tending to form intemperate 
habits, increasing greatly the number, severity, and fatal termi- 
nation of diseases, weakening and deranging the intellect, pol- 
luting the affections, hardening the heart and corrupting the 
morals, depriving many of reason and still more of its healthful 
exerci e, and annually bringing down huge numbers to untimely 
graves, producing, in the children of many who drink, a predis- 
position to intemperance, insanity, and various bodily and men- 
ial diseases, causing diminution of strength, feebleness of vision, 
fickleness of purpose, and premature old age, and inducing, in 
all future generations, deterioration of 1 al and physical char- 
acter'. Alcoholic drinks are thus the implacable foe of man as 
an individual. 

First. The legalized importation, manufacture, and sale of 
intoxicating drinks ministers to their use, and teaches the erro- 
neous null destructive sentiment that such use is right, thus 
tending to produce and perpetuate the above mentioned evils. 

Second. To the home it is an enemy— proving itself to be a 
disturber and destroyer of ils peace, prosperity, and happiness ; 
taking from it the earnings of the husband ; depriving the de- 
pendent wife and children of essential food, clothing, and edu- 
cation; bringing into it profanity, abuse, and violence ; setting 
at naught the vows of the marriage altar; breaking up the 
family and sundering the children from the parents, and thus 
doslroving one of lire most beneficent institutions of our Cre- 
ator, and removing the sun' foundation of good government, 
national prosperity, and welfare. 

Third. To the community it is equally an enemy— produc- 
ing vice, demoralization, and wickedness; its places of salebeing 
resorts of gaming, lewdness, and debauchery, and the hiding- 
place of those who prey upon society ; counteracting the efficacy 
of religious effort, and of all means of intellectual elevation, 
moral purity, social happiness, and the eternal good of mankind, 
without rendering any counteracting or compensating benefits ; 
being in its influence and effect evil and only evil, and that con- 

Fourth. To the state it is equally an e.iemy — legislative 
inquiries, judicial investigations, and official reports of all penal, 
reformatory, and dependent institutions showing that the manu- 
facture and sale of such beverages is the promoting cause of in- 
temperance, crime, and pauperism, and of demands upon public 
and private charity, imposing the larger part of taxation, para- 
lyzingthri l, industry, manufactures, and commercial life, which, 
but tor it, would be unnecessary ; disturbing the peace of streets 
and highways: filling prisons and poor-houses; corrupting pol- 
ities, legislation, and the execution of the laws ; shortening lives ; 
diminishing health, industry, and productive power in manu- 
factures and art ; and is manifestly unjust as well as injurious 
to the community upon which it is imposed, and is contrary to 
all just views of civil liberty, as well as a violation of the funda- 
mental maxim of our common law, to use your own property or 
liberty so as not to injure others. 

Fifth. It is neither right nor politic for the state to afford 
legal protection to any traffic or any system which tends to 
waste the resources, to corrupt the social habits, and to destroy 

the health and lives of the people ; that the importation, manu- 
facture, and sale of intoxicating beverages is proven to be inimi- 
cal to the true interests of the individual home, community, and 
state, and destructive to the order and welfare of society, and 
ought, therefore, to be classed among crimes to be prohibited. 

8}xth. In this time of profound peace at home and abroad, 
the entire separation of the general government from the drink- 
traffic, and its prohibition in the District of Columbia, ter- 
ritories, and in all places and ways over which, under the consti- 
tution, Congress has control and power, is a political issue of 
the first importance to the peace and prosperity of the nation. 
There can be no stable peace and protection to personal liberty, 
life, or property, until secured by national or state constitu- 
tional provisions, enforced by adequate laws. 

Seventh. All legitimate industries require deliverance from 
the taxation and loss which the liquor traffic imposes upon them; 
and financial or other legislation could not accomplish so much 
to increase production and cause a demand for labor, and, as a 
result, for the comforts of living, as the suppression of this 
traffic would bring to thousands of homes as one of its blessings. 

Eighth. The administration of the government and the exe- 
cution of the laws are through political parties ; and we arraign 
the Republican party, which has been in continuous power in 
the nation for twenty years, as being false to duty, as false to 
loudly-proclaimed principles of equal justice to all and special 
favors to none, and of protection to the weak and dependent, 
insensible to the mischief which the trade in liquor has con- 
stantly inflicted npon industry, trade, commerce, and the social 
happiness of the people ; that r>,of>2 distilleries, :!.s:ii) breweries, 
and 175,266 places for the sale of these poisonous liquors, 
involving an annual waste to the nation of one million five 
hundred thousand dollars, and the sacrifice of one hundred 
thousand lives, have, under its legislation, grown up and been 
fostered as a legitimate source of revenue; that during its 
history, six territories have been organized and five states been 
admitted into the Union, with constitutions provided and ap- 
proved by Congress, but the prohibition of this debasing and 
destructive traffic has not been provided, nor even the people 
given, at the time of admission, power to forbid it in any one of 
them. Its history further shows, that not in a single instance 
has an original prohibitory law been passed by any state that 
was controlled by it, while in four states, so governed, the laws 
found on its advent to power have been repealed. At its national 
convention in 1872, it declared, as part of its party faith, that 
"it disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the 
purpose of removing evils, by interference with rights not sur- 
rendered by the people to either the state or national govern- 
ment," which, the author of this plank says, was adopted by 
the platform committee with the full and implicit understanding, 
that its purpose was the discountenancing of all so-called tem- 
perance, prohibitory, and Sunday laws. 

Ninth. We arraign, also, the Democratic party as unfaith- 
ful aud unworthy of reliance on this question ; for, although 
not clothed with power, but occupying the relation of an op- 
position party during twenty years past, strong in numbers 
and organization, it has allied itself with liquor-traffickers, and 
become, in all the states of the Union, their special political de- 
fenders, and in its national convention in 1876, as an article of 
its political faith, declared against prohibition and just laws in 
restraint of the trade in drink, by saying it was opposed to what 
it was pleased to call "all sumptuary laws." The National 
party has been dumb on this question. 


Tenth. Drink-traffickers, having the history and experience 
of all ages, climes, and conditions of men, declaring their busi- 
ness destructive of all good — finding no support in the Bible, 
morals, or reason — appeal to misapplied law for their justifica- 
tion, and intrench themselves behind the evil elements of polit- 
ical party for defense, party tactics and party inertia become 
battling forces, protecting this evil. 

Eleventh. In view of the foregoing facts and history, we 
cordially invite all voters, without regard to former party affilia- 
tions, to unite with us in the use of the ballot for the abolition 
of the drinking system, under the authority of our national and 
state governments. We also demand, as a right, that women, 
having the privileges of citizens in other respects, be clothed 
with the ballot for their protection, and as a rightful means for 
the proper settlement of the liquor question. 

Twelfth. To remove the apprehension of some who allege 
that a loss of public revenue would follow the suppression of 
the direct trade, we confidently point to the experience of gov- 
ernments abroad and at home, which shows that thrift and 
revenue from the consumption of legitimate manufactures and 
commerce have so largely followed the abolition of drink as to 
fully supply all loss of liquor taxes. 

Thirteenth. We recognize the good providence of Almighty 
God, who has preserved and prospered us as a nation ; and, 
asking for His spirit to guide us to ultimate success, we all 
look for it, relying upon His omnipotent arm. 


JUNE 22. 

The Democrats of the United States, 
3d, declare : 

convention nssem- 

First. We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doc- 
trines and traditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by 
tire teachings and examples of a long line of Democratic states- 
men and patriots, and embodied in the platform of the last 
national convention of the party. 

Second. Opposition to centralization, and to that dangerous 
spirit of encroachment which tends to consolidate the powers 
of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the 
form of government, a real despotism ; no sumptuary laws ; 
separation of the church and state for the good of each ; com- 
mon schools fostered and protected. 

Third. Home rule ; honest money, consisting of gold and 
silver, and paper, convertible into coin on demand ; the strict 
maintenance of the public faith, state and national ; and a tariff 
for revenue only ; the subordination of the military to the civil 
power ; and a general and thorough reform of the civil service. 

Fourth. The right to a free ballot is a right preservative of 
all rights ; and must and shall be maintained in every part of 
the United States. 

Fifth. The existing administration is the representative of 
conspiracy only ; and its claim of right to surround the ballot- 
boxes with troops and deputy marshals, to intimidate ami ob- 
struct the elections, and the unprecedented use of the veto to 
maintain its corrupt and despotic power, insults I In- people and 
imperils their institutions. Weexeorate the course of this ad- 
ministration in making places in the civil service a reward Cor 
political crime; and demand a reform, by statute, which shall 
make it forever impossible for a defeated candidate to bribe his 
way to the seat of a usurper by billeting villains upon the 

Sixth. The great fraud of 1870-7, by which, upon a false 
count of the electoral voles of two states, the candidate defeated 
at the polls was declared to be President, and, for the first 
time in American history, the will of the people was set aside 
under a threat of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our 
system of representative government. The Democratic party, 
to preserve the country from the horrors of a civil war, submit- 
ted for the time, in the firm and patriotic belief that the people 
would punish thecrimein 1880. This issue precedes and dwarf s 
every other. It imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of 
the Union than ever addressed the consciences of a nation of 

Seventh. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden, not again to 
be a candidate for the exalted place to which he was elected by 
a majority of his countrymen, and from which he was excluded 
by the leaders of the Republican party, is received by the Dem 
ocrats of the United States with deep sensibility ; and they de- 
clare their confidence in his wisdom, patriotism, and integrity 

unshaken by the assaults of the ooi on enemy; and they 

further assure him that he is followed into the retirement he has 
chosen for himself by the sympathy and respect of his fellow- 
citizens, who regard him as one who, by elevating the si a ml aid 
of the public morality, and adorning and purifying the public 
service, merits the lasting gratitude of his country and his party. 

Eighth. Free ships, and a living chance for American com- 
merce upon the seas; and on the land, no discrimination in 
favor of transportation lines, corporations, or monopolies. 

Ninth. Amendments of the Burlingame treaty ; no more 
Chinese immigration, except for travel, education, and foreign 
commerce, and, therein, carefully guarded. 

Tenth. Public money and public credit for public purposes 
solely, and public land for actual settlers. 

Eleventh. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and 
the laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike against 
the cormorants and the commune. 

Twelfth. We congratulate the country upon the honesty 
and thrift of a Democratic Congress, which has reduced the 
public expenditure §10,00(1,000 a year; upon the continuation 
of prosperity at home and the national honor abroad ; and, 
above all, upon the promise of such a change in the administra- 
tion of the government as shall insure a genuine and lasting 
reform in every department of the public service. 


K. W. (Joljl) 

James Miller 

George l/juil 

John Pone..... 


John Evans 

.V ('. Hunl.'.'.'.V.'.'.'.'.'.Y. 
K M. MeCook 

P. W. Pitkin 1879 


Samuel Huntington 1785 

Oliver Woleott 1706 

Jonathan Trumbull 1708 

John Triad well 180!) 

linger Griswold 1S11 

John Cotton Smith 1818 

Oliver Wnlcolt 1818 

Gideon Tomlinson 1857 

John S. Peters 1831 

Henry W. Edwards 1833 

Samuel A. Footc 1834 

Henry W. Edwards.. 1835 

William W. Ellsworth 1886 

('. P. Clevol tnd 1842 

Roger S. Baldwin 1844 

Isaac Toucey lslti 

Clark Bisseil 1847 

Joseph Trumbull 1849 

Thomas H. Seymour 1850 

C. H. Pond fueling] 1853 

Henry Dutton 1854 


Ninian Edwards. 
Shadrach Bond.. 
Edward Coles... 
Ninian Edwards.. 

William Owsley 

John J. Crittenden.. 
John L. Helm [actin; 
Lazarus W. Powell. 
Charles S. Morehead 

B. H. Magoffin 

J. F. Robinson 

T. E. Bramlcttc 

J. L. Helm.. 

, W. Stevenson [acting].. .1807 

.1. W. Stevenson. 

P. H. Leslie 

James B. McCreary. 
L. P. Blackburn 

M'l Joseph Krai... 

Thomas W. Veasey. 
William Grayson... 

Francis Thomas 

Thomas G. Pratt 

Philip F.Thomas... 
Enoch L.Lowe 

J. W. Hall 


William P. Duval. 

John II Eaton 

UirhnrdK ('■ 

Rohcil It, It, id 

Hiehard K. Call 

John Brunch 

William I) Moseley.... 

Thomas Brown 

.lames H, Biooiuo 

Madison S.Perry 

John Milton ..." 

William Marvin 

David S, Walker 

llaniso,, lli-cd 

S. F. Day.. 

Harrison Reed 

Osmii 11 Hart 

George F. Drew 


George Walton 

Edward Tcllair 

Gcoisjo Matthews .. 

.1: I Irwin 


Itic d .1. dglesby 1805 

John M. Palmer .1809 

Biohprd J. Ogleshy.. 1873 

JohnL. Bcveridge 1874 

S. M. Cullom 1877 


William H. Harrison 1800 

John Gibson [acting] 1811 

Jonathan Jennings 1816 

William Hendricks 1823 

James B. Ray 1825 

Noah Noble 1831 

David Wallace 1837 

Samuel Bigger 1840 

James Whiieomb 1843 

Paris C. Dunning 1848 

Joseph A. Wright 1849 

Asbbel P. Willard. 1857 

Abram A.Hammond 1800 

Henry S. Lane 1801 

0. P. Morton .1801 

Conrad Baker 1867 

Thomas A. Hendricks .1873 

James D.Williams 1877 


Robert Lucas 1838 

John Chambers ...1841 

James Clark .1840 

Ansel Briggs 1840 

Stephen Hempstead 1860 

James W. Grimes 1854 

Ralph P. Lowe 1858 

Samuel J. Kirkwood. 1800 

William M. Stone 1804 

Samuel Merrill 1808 

Cyrus 0. Carpenter 1872 

S. J. Kirkwood. 1876 

J. H. Gear 1878 

A. H. Reeder 1854 

John W. Geary ".".1850 

R. J. Walker 1857 

J. W. Denver 1858 

Frederick P. Stanton 1858 

Charles Kobinson 1801 

Thomas Carney 1861 

S. J. Crawford 1865 

James M. Harvey 1869 

Thomas A. Osborn 1873 

Genrirc Anthony 1877 

J.P.St.John 1879 



J. T. Morehead [a 

James Clark 

I C. A. Wieklifl'e [a 

William C. C. Claiborne. 
William C. C. Claiborne.. 

Ja.p'ez Villere 

Tin mas B. Robertson ... 

A. Banians [acting] 

Jangles Duple [a, 'ling]. 

Amlie 1! Roman 

Edward D. White 

Andre B. Roman 

Alexander Mouton 

Isaar Johnson 

Jo>eoh Walker 

Paul (1. Hebert 

R. C. Wiekliffe 

Thomas I). M,,oi,. 

Michael Halin 

J. M.Wells 

•nj. F. Flanders. 

Joshua Baker. 

II l'. Warmouth 

.1 I' MeEnery 

Wo ion Pitt 'ivdloLie . 


William King 

All, i,,n K Parris 

Enoch Lincoln 

J, , natha". G Huntson. 

Samuel l: Smith 

Role it I' Dunlap 

Edwaid K,-nt 

John Fairfield 

Edward Kent 

John Fairfield 

I. Kavanieii |nrting[. 
Huaii J Anderson.... 

John W Dana 

John lli;!,l,:ird 

William G Crosby.... 

Anson P Morrill 

Samuel Wills 

Haiiidal Hamlin 

Joseph 1! Williams.. . 

J L. Chamberlain 

Sidney Perham 

Nelson Duiglcy, Jr 

Seldon Conner 

A. Garcelon. 

Daniel F.Davis 

John E. Howard 

;e Plater 

las S. Lee 

H. Stone 

John Henrv 

Benjamin tl.le 

John F. Mercer. 

Robert Howie 

Robert Wright 

Edward Land 

Robert R.wvie 

Levin Winder 

C. Ridgelv 

Charles W Gohlsborougb. 

S: ] Ada 


Levi Lincoln [actine] 

Christopher Gore 

Hihridnc Genv .... 

Cdeb Strong ...1812 

John P, looks 1816 

William E -id 

Marcus Morton [acting] 

John Davis 

S. T. Armstrong [acting].. 

Edward Everett 

.Mai, us Morton 

John Davis 

Marcus M,,r 

George N. Briggs 

Gcor-re S. Bout well 

John II. Chit, n,l. 1853 

Emorv Washburn ..1854 

II„iirv J. Gardner ...1855 

Nathan:. I P Hanks. 

John A. Andrew.... 

Alexander H, Bui look 

William Clallin... 

W". P.. Washburn 

.• ,.l, ,m Gaston 1874 

Alexander H. Rice 

Thomas Talbot 

John D. Long 



Lends Cass 

Go, , lire B. Porter 

S T. "Mason [acting]... 
■ I. S. Homer [aciina]... 

S'epheiJ T. Mason 

William Wooilbridue... 

J. W. Gordon [actiuc]. .. 

John S. Barry 

Alp hens Felch 

W. L. Grecnlv [actine].. 


E. Ran 

John S. Barry 

Robert McClelland... 
A. Parsons [acting]. 
Kinsley S. Bingham. 

Ilcniv II. Crapo ■ 

Henry P. Baldwin 

J,,|in J. Bagley '. 

" M. Croswe'll... 


Alexaiidei- Ramsey 

Willis A. Gorman.. 

Samuel Medary 

II, my II. Sibley 

Al, k aid, i Ramsey 

Stephen .Miller 

II. Marshall. 

lloraa, Austin 

C. R. Davis 

JohnS. Pillsbury 


Wiuthrop Sargent 

W. C. C. Claiborne 

Robert Williams .-. 

David Iluhues 

David Holmes 

George Poindexter 

Waller I. rake 

DaViii llnhueS 

Gerard C. Brandon. 

Abraham M.Scott 

Hiram (i. Runnels 

Chalks Lynch 

A G. Mc'Nutt 

'I'. M. Tucker- 

Albert G. Brown .. 

Joseph \V. Matthews 

John .1. Union |aclingj.. 

.lames Whitfield 

Henry S. Foote..... 

John .1. MacRae ._ 

William M( Willie 

John J. Pettus 

Jacob Thompson 

Charles Clarke. 

William L. Sharkey 

Benjamin G. Humphreys . 

J. L. Alcorn 

R. C. Powers 

Adelhert Ames 


Alexande- Mc> 
John Miller ... 
Daniel Dunklin 

John C. Edward! 
Austin A. King.. 
Sterling Price. .. 

C. F. Jackson 

II. R. Gamble 

Thoma, C. Fletcher 

Jos. W. McClurg 

B. Gral/, Brown 

S. Woodson 

C. II. Hardin 

J. S. Phelps 


Francis Burt 

Mart W. Izard 

William A Richardson.. 

Samuel W. Black. 

Ahin Saunders.. 

David Butler 

David Butler... 

W. II. James 

R. W. Furnas 

Silas Garber 

Albimis Nance. 


James A. Weston. 
Louis R. Bradley. 
John H. Kinkead. 

osiah Bartlett 17S 

William Plumer. 

Samuel Bell 

David L. Morrill. 

Ralph Metcalf 

William Haile.... 
Ichnbod Goodwin 

N. S. Berry 

Joseph A. Gilmore 
Frederic Smyth... 
Walter Harriman. 
Onslow Stearns. .. 
James A. Weston. 

Ezekicl Straw 

James A. Weston. 

P. D. Cheney 

B. J. Prescott 

Nat. Head 


William Livingston 

William Patterson 

Richard Howell 

Joseph Bloointield 

Mahlon Dickerson. 
I. H. Williamson... 

Peter D. Vroom 

Samuel L. Southard. 
Elias P. Seeley 

Win. Pennington 

Daniel Haines 

Charles 0. Stratton .. 

Daniel Haines 

George F. Fort 

Rodman M.Price.... 
William A. Newell.. 

Charles S. Olden 

Joel Parker 

Marcus L. Ward 

T. F. Randolph 

Joel Parker 

J. D. Bedle 

George B. McClellan. 


Ceoiare Clinton 

John Jay 

George Clinton 

Morgan Lewis 

Daniel I) Tompkins 
John r.uhr faclingl 


Thomas Bragg... 
John W. Ellis... 

W. Holde'n'.'..". 
Jonathan Worth. 

"iV. Ilohlen 

T. R. Caldwell ... 
C. H. Brogden... 

Arllnir Si Clair 

Kdwaid Tilrlu 

Thomas Kiiker |aciine 
s.uiiui I Ililntiimlon. . . 

Reliirn J Mcies 

(> 1 ker laetmel. . 

Thomas Worthing..),. . 


Robert Lucas 

Joseph Vance 

Wilson Shauuou 

II is Corwin , 

Wilson Shannon 

T. W. Ban lev (acting |. 
Mordccal Barllcy 

-1 = 1' All.- 

.1861 iE.J. Dilvls.... 

■ IH.V.'.H. Cikc "..".'"„., 

1.1V.! U. 11. Itubbanl ls ?ii 


Charles Pinckncy 


Hen.. Mn 
Jos,. p|, A| s 
David l( \ 


David Todd 

John Brough 

Chillies Amlei-ou laclllir I ]sii."i 
Jacob D. Cox ..."" 


E. F. Moves 

am Allen 


"""•>■-' (acting] 

Joseph C. Yates... 
DeWitt Clinton... 
Nathaniel Pitcher 
Martin Van Buren 
EuosT. Throop... 
L. Marcy. 

n i. 

\\ lleo 

Horatio Sevmour. 
Myron H. Clark.. 

John A. King 

Edwin D. Morgan 
Horatio Seymour. 
Reuoeu E. Fenton 
John T. Hoffman . 

John A. Dix 

S. J. Tilden 

Lucius Robinson. . 
Alonzo B. Cornell. 

Charles Foster 

Joseph Lane 

John P. Gaines . . 

Joseph Lane 

John W. Davis.. 
George L. Curry- 
Addison C. Gibbs 
George L. Woods. 
Lafayette ~ " 

W B. Scabn 
John II Me 
John L Ma, 

W. Thayer 

Samuel Dinsmoor.. 

Jareil W. Wil 
Salnnel Dinsn 
Noah jM.arlin 
N. B. Baker . 


Samuel Ashe 

William R. Davie 

Benjamin Williams.. 

.. in in Williams. 

David Stone.. 

Benjamin Smith.... 
William Hawkins.. 

William Miller 


Jesse Franklin 

Montfort Stokes ... 

David L. Swain 

Richard D. Spaight 
" ' irtl B. Dudley. 
John M. Morehead 
William A. Graham. 
Charles Manly 


omas Millill 1 

omas McKcan 1 

ion Snyder 1 

William Findlay 1, 

Joseph Heisler 1; 

A. Shulze 1; 

ge Wolf li 

Joseph Rimer ... II 

David R. Porter II 

Francis R. Sliunk II 

am F. Johnston II 

William Bi-lcr II 

James Pollock li 

William F. Packer II 

Andrew G. Curtin II 

W. Geary II 



Archibald Roane. 

John Sevier 

William Blount... 
Joseph McMin 

Newton Cai 
James K Pi 
James C. Jot 
Aaron V . Bi 

Arthur Fenncr 

Henry Smith [acting]. 

Isaac Will, in vactiDcj 

Jaans I-Voner 

William Jones 

Ni hen, i di It K'nicln 
Wilham C Gibbs"..... 

James Fenncr 

Lemuel II. Arnold 


H.i.rv Dodge 


N. P. Tallmadge 

Henry Dodge 

Ncl-oi, Dewey 


D """"" r "'■ """■ 

| ReHolvtit, Tluit thr> General As- 

1 ..1 Virginia ilulij nii.-i|im<>i ill- 

nn<l that tliiv will Bupporl the Gov- 
ernment of the United States in all 

2. That this Assembly most sol- 

j .-an- n I'liil'hlul observance ill' them 
! inn alone Boouro its existence and 

, 8. Tluit llus Assembly doth cx- 

s-iiuiinu Him .-..mpac!, us m. further 
valid ihunthcy are authorized by the 
grants enumerated in tluit compact ; 

, or powers t granted by the said 

.I..1I1 als,., ..\|,ivssiis,l.-..piv(rivt that 

' ",'• 1 "Ii 1 '1 ''■".':'''""''''' ,Ik> ,nwi " in s 

lion which necessarily explains and 
iiiinis il;,- o-ni.Tal phrases, and so as 
; " ." Hi.- Slates, by dog s, 

which \\.ml,l be to transform the pres- 
ent republican system of the United 
j States into an absolute, or at best', a 
mixed monarchy. 

5. That the General Assembly 
doth particularly protest againsl tho 
1 palpable ami alarming infractions of 
the Constitution in the two late cases 
of the "alien and sedition acts," 
passed at the last session of Congress, 







1 II 

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•.Fiscal year endiog Turns 30. ______„ ~-. 

ll P From Public Lands. 
■B " Bank Stock. 
1 1 " Internal Revenue 
LZU " Customs 

HHJ From Direct Tax \^d2*— — 

■BBI " Miscellaneous Xj». 


Rrsnlml, That, the General Ai 
scmbly of Virginia doth unequivoea 
ly express a firm resolution to mail 
tain and defend tin- < lonatitution i 
the United States 
tion of this State against every u^ 

:■" ■- 'Ml. i i Inn ;-n oj lloin. Stl 

and that they will support the Go< 
eminent of the United States in n 
i anted by the forme 

5. That the General Assembly 
<loth particularly protest against I he 
palpable and alarming infract 
the Constitution in the two lar* 
of the "alien and sedition 
passed at the last session of Congress, 

happincss,theGcneral Assembly doth 
solemnly appeal to the like disposi- 
tions in the other States, in confi- 
dence that they will ( oneur with this 

does hereby « J ■ - = I . ■ r - thai tin- u ts 
aforesaid aro unconstitutional, and 

urea will be taken by each for co- 
operating with tins State in main- 
rights, and liberties reserved to the 
" ates respectively, or to the people. 

resolutions to the execuiive authori- 
ty of each of the other States, with a 
request that the same may be com- 
municated to the legislature thereof, 
and that a copy be furnished to eacli 
of the Senators and Representatives 
representing this State in the Con- 
gress of the United States. 

89 18 


POLITICS OF THE STATES, 1789-1880 *^?g , «r„'^ TMe 




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11 i i 

*■[&•:' ^jig; Mh 




1. Hesolved, That the several States 
composing the United States of America 
are not united on the principle of unlim- 
ited submission to their General Govern- 
ment ; but that, by compact, under the 
style and title of a Constitution for the 
United States and of Amendments (hereto, 
they constituted a general government for 
special purposes, delegated to that Gov- 
ernment certain definite powers, reserving 
each State to itself the residuary mass of 
right to their own self-government ; and 
that whensoever the General Government 
assumes undelegated powers, its acts are 
unauthoritative, void, and of no force: 
That to this compact each State acceded 
as a State, and is an integral party, its co- 
States forming as to itself the other party : 
That the government created hy this com- 
pact was not made the exclusive or final 
juJije of the extent of the powers dele- 
gated to itself; since that would have 
made its discretion, and not the Constitu- 
tion, the measure of its power ; but that, 
as in all other cases of compact among 
parties having no common judge, each 
party has an equal right to judge for itself, 
as well of infractions, as of the mode and 
of redress. 


il demand of its '" 
■teeled them from all human re- 
itei leience. And that, in addi- 
I general principle and express 
, another and inure Special pro- 


of 'h lis th"t of h p r 


gion, are withheld i 

els, falsehoods, am 

federal tribunals : 
of the Congress of 

'!u'i' i: r'^ ; "v s 

2. That the Constitution of the United 
States having delegated to Congress a 
power to p.unish treaspn, counterfeiting 
the securities and current coin of the 
United States, piracies and felonies com- 
mitted on the high seas, and offenses 
against the laws of nations, and no other 
dimes whatever, and it being true as a 
general principle, and one of the amend- 
ments to the Constitution having also de- 
clared, "that the powers not delegated to 
the United States by the Constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the States, are re- 
served to the States respectively or to the 
people;" therefore, also the same act of 
Congress, passed on the 14th day of July, 
1798, and entitled, "An act in addition to 
the act entitled, ' an act for the punish- 
ment of certain crimes against the United 
States,' as also the act passed by them on 
the 27th day of June, 1798, entitled, 'An 
act to punish frauds committed on the 
Bank of the United States,' " (and all other 
their acts which assume to create, define, 
or punish crimes other than those enumer- 
ated in the Constitution,) are altogether 
void and of no force, and that the power 
to create, define, and punish such other 
crimes is reserved, and of right apper- 
tains solely and exclusively to the respec- 
tive States, each within its own territory. 

3. That it is true as a general principle, 
and is also expressly declared by one of 
the amendments to the Constitution, that 
"the powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
by it to the States, are reserved to the 
States respectively or to the people ;" and 
that no power over the freedom of reli- 
gion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the 
press, being delegated to the United States 
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to 
the States, all lawful powers respecting the 
same did of right remain, and were re- 
served, to the States or to the people: That 
thus was manifested their determination to 
retain to themselves the right of judgi 
how far the licentiousness of speech a 
of the ] tress maybe abridged without less- 
ening their useful freedom, and how far 
those abuses which can not be separated 

delegated to 

prohibited by 

to the Stales respectively or to the people, 1 ' 

the act of the Congress of the United 
passed on the 22d day of dune, 

17DH, entitled, "An act concerning aliens," 
which assumes power over alien friends 
not delegated by the Constitution, is not 
law, but is altogether void and of no 

5. That in addition to the general prin- 
ciple as well as the express dechual ion 
thai powers not delegated are reserved, 
another and more special provision in- 
serted in the Constitution from abundant 
caution has declared "that the mhjnttion 
or importation of such persons as any of 
the States now existing shall think prop- 
er to admit shall not be prohibited by the 
Congress prior to the year 1808." That 
(his Commonwealth does admit the mi- 
gration of alien friends described as the 
subject, of the said 
that a pro' ' 

' -ation is a provision against all acts 
equivalent thereto, or it would be nuga- 
tory ; that to remove them when migrated 


simple order of the Prcsi 

uixl.'i taken by tlie said n 

trary to the Constitution, one amendment to which has provided that "no 

person shall be deprived of liberty without due process of law," and 

that another having provided, " that in all criminal prosecutions the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a public trial by an impartial jury, to be informed of 
the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses 
against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, 
and to have the assistance^*!' counsel for his defense," the same act under- 
taking to authorize the President to remove a person out of the United 
Slates who is under the protection of the law, on his own suspicion, without 
accusation, without jury, without public trial, without confrontation of 
the witnesses against him, without having witnesses in his favor, without 
defense, without counsel, is contrary !■> these provisions also of the Consti- 

ferring the power of judging any person, who is under the protection of 
the laws, from the courts to the President of the United States, as is 
undertaken by the same act concerning aliens, is against the aiticlc of the 
Constitution which provides that " the judicial power of the United States 
shall be vested in courts, the judges of which shall hold their offices during 
good behavior;" and that the said act is void for that reason also ; and it 
is further to be noted, that this transfer of judiciary power is to that magis- 
trate of the General Government who already possesses all the executive, 
and a qualified negative in all the legislative powers. 

ie General Government (as is 
those parts of the Constitution 
ongress a power to lay and col- 
pay the debts, and to provide 
*e of the United Slates, and to 

That ih< 

the Government of the 
United Stales, or an\ department thereof, goes to the destruction of all 
the limits prescribed to their power by the Constitution. That -words 
meant by that instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of the 
limited powers OUghl nol to be BO construed as themselves to give unlimited 
powers, Dor part so to be taken as to destroy the whole residue of the 

instrument; that the | feedings of the General Government, under color 

of these articles, will be a til and necessary subject for revisal and correc- 
tion at a time of greater tranquility, while those specified in the preceding 

resolutions call for immediate redress. 

S. That the preceding resolutions be transmitted to the Senators and 
Representatives in Congress from this Commonwealth, who are hereby 
enjoined to present the same to their respective houses, and to use their 
best endeavors to procure, at the next session of Congress, a repeal of the 
aforesaid unconstitutional and obnoxious acts. 

9. Lastly, That the Governor of this Commonwealth be, and is hereby, 
authorized and requested to communicate the preceding resolutions to the 
legislatures of the several States, to assure them that this Commonwealth 
considers union lor specified national purposes, and particularly for those 
specified in their late Federal compact, to be friendly to the peace, hap- 
piness, and prosperity .■! A\ :*.■■ Matt-s ; that faithful to that compact, ac- 
cording to the plain intent and meaning in which it was understood and 
acceded to by the several parti. ■-. it \- sincerely anxious for its preservation; 
that it does also believe that to take from the* States all the powers of self- 
government, and transfer th<-in to a gmeial and consolidated government, 
without regard to the apeoial obligations and reservations solemnly agreed 
to in that compact, is not for the peace, happiness, or prosperity of these 

States. And that therefore this Commonwealth is determined, as it doubts 

not its co-States are, tamely to submit to undelegated and consequently un- 
limited powers in no man or body of men on earth ; that if the acts before 
specified should stand, these conclusions would ilmv from them; that the Gen- 

eral Government may place any act they think proper on the list of crimes, 
and punish it themselves, whether enumerated or not enumerated by the 
Constitution as cognizable by them; that they may transfer its cognizance to 
the President or any other person, who may himself be the accuser, counsel, 
judge, and jury, whose xHspicitms may be the evidence, his order the sen- 
tence, his officer the executioner, and his breast the sole record of the 
transaction ; that a very numerous and valuable description of the inhab- 
itants of these Stales, being by this precedent reduced as outlaws to the 
absolute dominion of one man, and the barrier of the Constitution thus 
swept away from us all, no rampart now remains against the passions and 
the power of a majority of Congress to protect from a like exportation or 
other more grievous punishment the minority of the same body, the legis- 
latures, judges, governors and counselors of the States, nor their other peace- 
able inhabitants who may venture to reclaim the constitutional rights and 
liberties of the States and people, or who for other causes, good or bad, 
may be obnoxious to the views, or marked by the suspicions of the Pres- 
ident, or be thought dangerous to his or their elections or other interests, 
public or personal; that the friendless alien has indeed been selected as the 
safest subject of a first experiment ; but the citizen will soon follow, or 
rather has already followed ; for already has a sedition act marked him as 
its prey ; that these and successive acts of the same character, unless 
arrested on the threshold, may tend to drive these States into revolution 
and blood, and will furnish new calumnies against republican govern- 
ments, and new pretexts for those who wish it to be believed that 
man cannot be governed but by a rod of iron ; that it would be a 
dangerous delusion, were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence 
our fears for the safety of our rights ; that confidence is everywhere the 
parent of despotism; free government is founded in jealousy and not in 
confidence; it is jealousy and not confidence which prescribes limited con- 
stitutions to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power; 
that our Constitution has accordingly fixed the limits to which and no fur- 
ther our confidence may go; and let the honest advocate of confidence read 
the alien and sedition acts, and say if the Constitution has not been wise in 
fixing limits to the Government it created, and whether we should be wise 
in destroying those limits. Let him say what the Government is if it be not 
a tyranny, which the men of our choice have conferred on the President, 
and the President of our choice has assented to and accepted over the friendly 
strangers, to whom the mild spirit of our country and its laws had pledged 
hospitality and protection; that the men of our choice have more respected 
the bare suspicions of the President than the solid rights of innocence, the 
claims of justification, the sacred force of truth, and the forms and substance 
of law and justice* In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of 
confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the 
Constitution. That this Commonwealth does therefore call on its co-States 
for an expression of their sentiments on the acts concerning aliens, and for 
the punishment of certain crimes hereinbefore specified, plainly declaring 
whether these acts are or are not authorized by the Federal compact. And 
it doubts not that their sense will be so announced as to prove their attach- 
ment unaltered to limited government, whether general or particular, and 
that the rights and liberties of their co-States will be exposed to no dangers 
by remaining embarked on a common bottom with their own; that they will 
concur with this Commonwealth in considering the said acts as so palpably 
against the Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that the 
compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General Gov- 
ernment, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States of all 
powers whatsoever; that they will view this as seizing the rights of the 
States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General Government 
with a power assumed to bind the States, (not merely in cases made Fed- 
eral,) but in all cases whatsoever, by laws made, not with their consent, but 
by others against their consent; that this would be to surrender the form of 
government we have chosen, and to live under one deriving its powers from 
its own will, and not from our authority; and that the co-States, recurring 
to their natural right in cases not made Federal, will concur in declaring 
these acts void and of no force, and will each unite with this Commonwealth 
in requesting their repeal at the next session of Congress. 

; 1861, -V.BJ; 1808, -V. 

/.. !*>-'. ■ -.imr ■ At. I;- ISlM, ranic an pri'isi 
.-. V Z-i„,-™i -I. 11 ,„„! Wi- IS", 

Con„tr,j-im, ^T.-r of M.. -: Af. As, Ah. Al, N; IS);, .ume.-Aw; 1838, -some as preccd 
- Al Al-, Ah, Ai N, IMS, -.,■,,.- :. ■ [,,..-. , ,iii,s— \' Hit. Hi Hi. II. -As 

|, .,'„', Inis-Y, llil, lit. I'.j, llr. Ax 
-As, Ai", K; ISM, All, Ai, N; S., 1SJ5, -At, Ah ; 

1716, -A<], Cr. Ao, Co., 

1, A. lis; lsl-1 A.I. W. Y.> iSl.s A.l, A,-. A r, Y.^, C E , Z, Bb; 

All, .it, US, A.-. Al, as. AH Al I "S. X . \ . Z, N ; Is..,., A„, A, A,-, \ ,S'.. 1S17. -Ail, A.-, Ar. 
,,„<.„„-T, isi'i. N Z. Ai.Ali i->, X; .v.lts, Z. Ai. Al. 

'isst.'ti.k.s, l',x- liA.ii.u'.'l'.'i'iiiiry. ' ""' "' "' ' ' "~ Bamc— ' ,=Brm»e a8 prece in 

\,l,,;,.li„ /'., isr.l. A/ K ii. 11.-, Mil. I', Ay; 1861. -As, Be, Bi 
A, ■,„,/„ /",. H.,. lis s . H..1, lis ; lsi,n Bg.Bn.Bi. 


, E, I; 18M, — 6ame-(;;nl.M],-n Pun w.\><- ; ifliil, — eame as preced- 

Jd Mex. Ccss.+Ti'A. Anm-x. : 1 K-Jl , li.Tunif purl of the Republic 
ilen l'lirclm-.; in,;;. ted'd to t'mted Shite* 

, 1790, -Bq, T.A.Cm; 

f -,.,- r/ ./„, .../ /, ,',■;<.,,-, 

■iruinhi S., 177ti, 1 

. Co88.;17M,-Ce, Cn, Cf, 

Wtfthinvton-T.. 1853. -Bu, Bj, Be. . 

11-,/ i-h,,-hh, r..n,,;, ^„. ln,Di.u; «w,-i/i. 

»'<■*( {'In/intn-S., 1*;:|, = C. 

~ f J8J0, the,.!".-' ut si.jten.-l Wi fl ;orisi!i, lowu, aud Minnie 









■ -t 


97 1801 


















SUPREME court -^ 

























J A Y 






L.LINCOLNi r.smith breckenridceCAESAR A.RODNEY'WM.PINK 












J. B. V, 

jF , n533jEin. J a.i J ca-o-vniiKravtJEiiffT. 

Tliv Federal Government is the central authority of the 
United Slates. It was organi/cl in I7N!I, in accordance with the 
provisions of the Feilcial i .institution. This instrumeut pro. 
vides for u legislative, n judicial, and mi executive C 

The Leyistatire He no it mi v;r consists of CongTMf 

3 of Congress, which 

Congress is Hiiiil to exist l wo years, because (lie larger number 
of those who compose thai body me eh eh d for tliat time. ["To 
(leterniiiic the years covered !>v agiecn Coiianss, double the num. 
her of the Congress and a. id (lie pro. I net to 1789 ; the result will 
be the year in which llic Congress closed To find the number 
of a Congress silling in any given year, snlilract 1789 from the 
year; if the result is an even number, half that Dumber will 
give the Congress, of which (lie year in nnestion will be the 
closing year. If (lie result is an odd number, add one to it, and 
half tiic" result will give the Congress, of which the year in 
question will be the first year."— Am. Almanac.] Congress 
enacts laws, and consists of the Senate and the House of Repre- 
sentatives. These bodies, when aelmg in a legislative capacity, 
have the same duties and powers. Laws are passed by the con- 

The Senate is composed of two members from each state, 
chosen for six veins l.\ I lie legi si. slums thereof. Over this body 
the Vice-Presidint presides. Without the concurrence of the 
House, the Senate aids as a high court to try cases of impeach- 
ment ; authorizes (lie President to mske treaties; and rejects 
or confirms the President's nominations to office. 

The House of Representatives)! 
chosen for two years by the people. 


The Inferior Courts are Circuit Courts, District Courts, 
the Court of Claims, Local Courts in the District of Columbia, 
and Territorial Courts. Circuit Courts are held within nine cir- 
cuits, which include the states of the Union. The District Courts 
are held in judicial districts, and the Court of Claims, at 

The Executif l>i /si r. nn< ill i'v. rules die aws. mid con 
sists of the President, aided by the heads of departments with 
their under-offlcials. Attached to this branch of the govern- 
ment are the Departments of State, Treasury, War, Navy, Post- 
Office, Justice, and Interior. The seven officials who head these 
departments constitute the cabinet, it Dame given to the body of 
men whom the President appoints as his executive officers and 

Secretary of State,— The State Department was organized 
in 1789, and placed under the direction of the Secretary of State. 
This official has charge of foreign affairs, and manages the 
business without the assistance of separate bureaus. 

Secretary of Treasury.— The Treasury Department was 
established in 1789, It is headed by the Secretary of the 
Treasury, who has charge of the national finances. 

Secretary of War.— The War department was created in 
1789. It is under the control of the Secretary of War. The 
secretaries of the Departments of State, Treasury, War, and Jus- 

in., eoi,Miiiii,,l Washing s cabinet. The Secretary of War 

has charge of atfairs connected with the army. 

Siiretarij of Navy.— The Navy Department was organ- 
ized in 1798. Preceding this time, naval affairs were in charge 
of the Secretary of War ; but over the department now created, 
an officer was placed, called the Secretary of the Navy, who 
became immediately a member of the cabii ' 


Vast-Master General 1 i e Posl I e Department, in 

Its chief officer, the Postmaster General, .lid not become a 
cabinet officer till March 9th, 1829. He has charge of affairs 

lind providing for trials by 

The Judicial Department determines the meaning of 
the laws, and consists of the Siiiuenir four! and Inferior Courts. 

The Supreme Court, the highest judicial tribunal in '" 
Union, is composed of the chief Justice and nine associates. 
is held annually at Washington city, commencing its sessii 
en the first Monday in December. Most of its labors are c 

,,, 1,1, , 

i hearing and determining appeals from Inferior Courts, 
cisions of the Supreme Court are regularly reported, and 
furnish authority for all Judicial tribunals in the Union. The 
reports, extending to more than seventy-nine volumes, are 
specially in cases where the 
> involved. 

made a member of the Cabinet. This officer is head of the 
department, and his duty is to prosecute and conduct all suits 
in the Supreme Court in which the United States are concerned, 
and to give his advice and opinion upon questions of law, when 
ri .piired by the heads of departments. 
Secretary of Interior.— The Department of the Interior 
facial, the Secretary 
the cabinet. This 

of Intt 

ture, and the Smit 

| 789— First Congress. Ten Amendments to the Consti- 
tution passed. Departments of Government organ- 
ized. Washington appoints a .National Thanksgiving. 
First Revenue Tariff approved. Ratio of Represen- 
tation, 30,000 ; Members, 65. Many Treaties with the 

I 790 — Naturalization Law passed. Treason defined and 
Penalty determined. First Census. Patent Law and 
first Copyright Law approved. System of Finance 
adopted ; Government assumes State Debts ; Public 
Debt funded. 

I 79 1 —First United States Bank chartered ; Capital, 
$10,000,000. First Tax on Distilled Spirits. 

I 792— Apportionment Bill passed, fixing ratio of Repre- 
sentation at 33,000 ; 103 Members in Congress. A 
uniform system of Militia established. Post Office 
Department organized anew. 

I 793— A Fugitive Law passed. Proclamation of Neu- 
trality relating to France ; French Minister Genet 
by request of Government. 

I 794 — Regulation of Slave Trade. A sixty days Em- 
bargo as a retaliation on British "Order in Council." 

I 795— Second Naturalization Law passed. Commercial 
Treaty with Great Britain. Treaty of Madrid. 

| 796— Washington' s Farewell Address. Contest between 
the President and House over the British Treaty. 

I 797— Privateering against 
friendly Nations for- 

I 798— Congress authorizes 
Naval Warfare with 
France ; Commercial 
Intercourse with France 
suspended ; Navy De- 
partment organized. 

I 799— Congress votes to 
raise an Army of 40,000 

1 800— Treaty of Peace 
with France. General 
Law of Bankruptcy ap- 


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R N U M 1' 

H. C L /BlLjN N. 

I 80 I— War against Tripoli declared. 

I 802 — Naturalization Laws made more liberal. Repr 
sentatives, 141. 

I 803— Congress gives the President extraordinary author- ' 
ity to maintain Free Navigation of the Mississippi. 

I 806— Congress forbids the importation of certain goods. 
Disputes with England and France respecting Neutral 

I 807— United States Coast Survey authorized. Conspir- 
acy of Aaron Burr to divide the Union. English 
ships of war ordered to leave American waters. 

I 809— Proclamation forbid 1 "- French Embas- 
Britain and France. dismissed from 

1811 —Ratio of Represents ; 

Webster's great 
812-CongresslaysanE.j for fche U]]ion 

General Land Office e W p ugitive 

cases of impressment taw and Omnibus 
the 18th June. 1^ ^^ 

Congress authorize 


and Commerce 

.itzerland. Treaty 

a.led by British ships.^ rIand ^ sec,lrin g 


I 8 1 4— A loan of $25,000,0f Cheap Postage 

I 8 1 5— A loan of $18,400,0 

authorized. Governme^' of Repreaen- 
President proclaims P, fixed at 93 - 42: ^ 
ment ceasea to pay tri' rs ' 237 - Dispute 
joy throughout the lan ln S land in re g ar & 
observed. enes - 

• 8 1 6— First Protective T 
States Bank charted 
$35,000,000. Colonize. 
Colored Freedmen, fou 


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ubargo on American shipping. 
ibed. More than 6,000 
•ucorded. War declare.d on 

ian issue of $5,000,000 and a 
itire American coast block- 
New England opposes the 

)u authorized. 

i00 and an issue of $25,000,000 
it ratifies Treaty of Ghent, and 
jace 18th February. Govern- 
bute to Algiers. Unbounded 
i, and a Day of Thanksgiving 

ariff enacted. Second United 
i for twenty years; Capital, 
ition Society, as a Refuge for 

I 81 7 — Internal Taxes abolished. 

I 8 I 8— Pension Law enacted. National Flag rearranged, 
so that the Stripes represent the Original Thirteen 
Colonies and the Stars the present number of States. 
Treaty of Commerce and Boundary witli England. 

I 8 1 9— Congress ratifies the Treaty for the Cession of 
Florida. Beginning of the discussion on balance 
between the North and the South in regard to the 
Slavery Question. 

I 820— Missouri Compromise passed. Navigation Act 
restricting importation to United States vessels. Coun- 
try agitated over the Slavery Question. 

I 822— Ratio of Representation fixed at 40,000 ; Members, 
213. Commercial treaty with France. 

I 823 — Independence of South Amprican Republics ac- 
knowledged. Treaty with Great Britain for mutual 
suppression of the Slave Traffic. The " Monroe Doc- 
trine" advanced. 

I 825 — Panama Mission 

26— Extensive Internal 
Improveme nts. The 
Fiftieth Anniversary of 
Death of Adams and 

28 — Tariff amended 
and Duties increased. 

24— John Quincy Adams 
Second Protective Tariff. 

elected by the House 
Lafayette arrives fron 

1 829— Webster's' great Speech against Nullification. 
Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Brazil. 

1830— Treaty with Turkey, securing for the United 
States freedom of the Black Sea. 

I 832 — Treaty of Commerce with Russia. Treaty of 
Commerce and Boundary with Mexico. Bill for 
Rechartering United States Bank vetoed. Proclamation 
against Nullifiers. Resignation of John C. Calhoun. 
Representatives, 240. 

I 833— Public deposits removed from the United States 
Bank by the President, and distributed among certain 
.State Banks. Secretary of Treasury, W. J. Duane, 
refusing to carry out the policy, is removed. 

I 834 — France and Portugal, slow in paying for injuries 
done United States commerce, are brought to terms by 
the President. 

I 836 — Office of Commissioner of Patents created. Treaty 
of Friendship and Commerce with Venezuela. Char- 
ter for United States Bank expires. 

1837— Issue of $10, ooi ),i mi ) 
Treasury Notes author- 
ized. President refuses 
to remit the regulation 
regarding the "Specie 
Circular." Treaty with 
Sioux Indians. Finan- 
cial Panic. Banks sus- 
pend Specie Payments 
in March, and resume 
them in July. 

I 838— President enjoins 
Neutrality during Can- 
adian Rebellion. 

I 840— Sub-Treasury Bill 

I 84 1 — Imprisonment for 
Debts due the United 
States abolished. Cen- 
tral Bankrupt Law pass- 
ed. A Loan of $12, 000,- 
000 authorized. Sub- 
Treasury Act repealed. 
Revenues received from 
Public Lands ordered 
to be distributed among 
the States. Two Bills 
for Rechartering the Un- 
ited States Bank vetoed. 
All members of the Cab- 
inet, except Mr. Web- 
ster, resign. Failure of 
United States Bank un- 
der Pennsylvania Char- 

I 842— Senate ratifies the 
Ashbu r ton -Webster 
Treaty. Ratio of Repre- 
sentation fixed at 70, 680 ; 
Representatives, 5 2 3. 
United Slates fiscal year 
ordered to begin with 
July 1st. 

| 843—830,000 appropriat- 
ed for the construction 
of Morse's Electric Tel 
egraph between Wash- 
ington and Baltimore. 

1845-The first Tuesday 
after the first Monday 
in November fixed by 
Congress on which to 
hold Presidential Elec- 
tions. Treaty made with 
China. Speech of Mr. 
Cass produces great 
excitement concerning 
Northwestern Boundary 
of Oregon. 

1846— $10,000,000 voted, 
and 50,000 men called 
out, to carry on the War. 
The Wilmot Proviso. 
Tariff on Imports re- 
duced. Treaty settling 
Northwestern Boundary 

I 848 — Congress ratifies 
Treaty of Guadalupe 
Hidalgo. Postal Treaty 
with' England negotiat- 
ed ; concluded in 1849. 
Peace with Mexico de- 
clared July 4th. 

1849— The French Embas- 
sador dismissed from 

I 850 — Webster's great 
Speech for the Union 
delivered. Fugitive 

Slave Law and Omnibus 
Bill discussed. Treaty 
of Amity and Commerce 
withSwitzerland. Treaty 
with England securing 
a trarisit over Panama. 

1851— A Cheap Postage 
Law enacted. 

I 852— Ratio of Represen- 
tation fixed at 93,423 ; 
Members, 237. Dispute 
with England in regard 
to Fisheries. 

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JAMES Q. BLAINE „.„...- S. 

U - R A N P ALL 

hi' French Kmhas 
dismissed from 


I for the Union 
red. Fugitive 

Law and Omnibus 
iscussed. Treaty 
my and Commerce 
jWitzerland. Treaty 
England securing 
'sit over Panama. 

i Cheap Postage 


^tio of Represen- 
j, fixed at 93,428; 
j)ers, 237. Dispute 
Sffngland in regard 

I 854— Congress passes the 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill. 
United States neutral on 
the Eastern Question. 
Treaty of Reciprocity 
with England. Com- 
mercial Treaty with Jap- 
an concluded through 
Commodore Perry. 

I 855— The Court of Claims 

I 856—133 ballots required 
to elect Nathaniel P. 
Banks Speaker of the 
House. Mr. Brooks of 
South Carolina assaults 
Senator Sumner in the 
Senate Chamber. Brit- 
ish Envoy ordered to 
leave Washington. 

I 857— A great Financial 
Panic; 5,123 Commer- 
cial Failures. 

I 858— Congress passes the 
English Kansas Bill. 
Treaty of Amity with 
China. First Atlantic 
Cable laid ; second in 

I 860— Eighth Census. The 
Ratio of Representation 
fixed at 127,000. Crit- 
tenden Compromise in- 
troduced and defeated. 
Prince of Wales visits 
the United States. Sena- 
tors and Federal Officers 
from the South, favoring 
disunion, resign. Presi- 
dent denies the right of 
a State to secede, and 
declines to receive the 
South Carolina Commis- 

I 86 1 — Congress meets in 
Special Session. The 
President calls for 
657,743 Volunteers and 
$400,000,000 to put 
down the Rebellion. 

I 862— Slavery prohibited 
in the Territories. In- 
ternal Revenue Bill pas- 
sed. Polygamy forbid- 
den in the United States. 
Union Pacific Railroad 
chartered. Department 
of Agriculture organized 
A draft of 300,000 men 
to serve for nine months, 
ordered by the Secretary 
of War. 600,000 Volun- 
teers called. 

I 863 — Bureau of Currency 
and National Banks es 
tablished. A loan of 
$900,000,000 Ten-forties 
authorized. Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation is- 
sued. Habeas Corpus 
Act suspended. 300,000 
Volunteers called for. 
Amnesty Proclamation 
issued. General Grant 
takes command of the 
Western Armies. 

I 864 — Fugitive Slave Law 
repealed. A draft of 
500,000 men ordered, 
and 700,000 men called 
for. 85,000 men accept- 
ed from Governors of 
Western States. 

1865— The 13th Amend- 
ment passed. Amnesty 
Proclamation issued. 
Blockade of Southern 
ports ended. $98,000,000 
subscribed to the 7-30 
Loan during the week 
ending May 13. A Day 
of Fasting on account of 
the Death of President 
Lincoln. All the Nation 
in mourning. The Civil 
War costs about $4, 000, - 

I 866— Freedman's Bureau 
BiU and Civil Rights 
Bill passed. 14th 

Amendment passed. 

I 867— Southern States or- 
ganized into Military 
Districts. Military Gov- 
ernment Bill and Ten- 
ure-of-Office Bill passed. 
Treaty with Russia for 
purchase of Alaska con- 

I 868— Impeachment Trial 
of the President ends in 
his acquittal. 14th 

Amendment declared 

Firt of the Constitution. 
roclamation of Politi- 
cal Amnesty issued. 

,1870 — 15th Amendment passed. Recall of the Russian 
Minister, Catecazy, requested. Proclamation against 
Fenian Raids into Canada issued. 

I 87 I —Congress passes BUI against Ku-Klux. 

I 872 — Tax and Tariff Bill passed diminishing the Revenue 
$3,000,000. Ratio of Representation fixed at 131,425; 
Representatives limited to 293. General Amnesty Bill 
signed. $15,500,000 awarded the United States by the 
Geneva Tribunal. Emperor William of Germany de 
cides the San Juan Question in favor of United States. 

I 873 — Salary Grab Act passed. First Repeal of the 
Franking Privilege. Federal Officers are forbidden to 
hold State Offices. Telegraph between United States 
and Europe completed. Capture of the Virginius by 
Cubans announced at Washington. Suspension of the 
Bank of Jay Cook & Co. causes a Financial Panic over 
the entire Country. 

I 874— $19,000 voted for the Sufferers on the Lower Missis- 
sippi. Currency Bill vetoed. 

1 875 — Senate ratifies the Treaty with Hawaii. Civil 
Rights Bill passed. New Treaty with Belgium con- 

I 876— Centennial Bill, appropriating $15,000,000, passed. 
Secretary Belknap impeached by the House, acquitted 
by the Senate. Postal Treaty with Japan. Termina- 
tion of the English Extradition Treaty announced. 

I 877 — Electoral Commission. Spanish Extradition Treaty 

I 877— Federal Troops re- 
called from the South. 
Nez Perces War. 

I 878— Silver Bill. Halifax 
Fishery Award. 

1879— Specie Payment. 
Negro Exodus begins. 
Ute War. 





'he Frencfi Embas- 
dismissed from 

Webster's great 
h for the Union 
red. Fugitive 

Law and Omnibus 
fficussed. Treaty 
iity and Commerce 
Kitzerland. Treaty 
England securing 
'sit over Panama. 

•i.. Cheap Postage 


Jatio of Represen- 
H&xed at 93,423 ; 
firs, 237. Dispute 
^England in regard 


I 854— Congress passe 
United States neutn 
the Eastern Ques 
Treaty of Recipr< 
with England. < 
mercial Treaty with 
an concluded thn 
Commodore Perry. 

1855— The Court of CI 

I 856—133 ballots rect 
to elect Nathanie 
Banks Speaker o 
House. Mr. Broo 
South Carolina ass 
Senator Sumner i 
Senate Chamber, 
ish Envoy order 
leave Washington. 

* -